Wednesday, 28 August 2013

Syria’s Women Face Violence, ‘Survival Sex’ Abroad

Original Source:http://www.thedailybeast.com/witw/articles/2013/07/24/syria-s-female-refugees-turn-to-prostitution-forced-marriages-to-survive.html


They have escaped one war only to find themselves as casualties and combatants in another—a conflict waged against them less publicly and not with bullets or missiles. The weapons employed are sexual harassment and abuse, domestic violence, and the exploitation by the unscrupulous of economic distress, forcing some to agree to prostitution, others to sell off teenage daughters as child brides.
For many Syrian women who have sought sanctuary in neighboring Lebanon from a civil war that has left an estimated 100,000 dead since the conflict started in March 2011, their refuge is laden with new menace and suffering—compounding their grief over the deaths of family or friends or their depression at the loss of homes. Even within their families there’s sometimes no safety, with jobless husbands frustrated with the stress and indignity of living as refugees lashing out, beating wives and hitting kids.
Maryam, a 31-year-old mother of five from Damascus, says she’s afraid the whole time and living in fear in Lebanon. She says there’s no safety for her. Outside the three-room apartment that she and her husband and children share with another six relatives there’s virtual nonstop sexual harassment, she says—from mild forms of uninvited verbal flirtation to groping and forceful demands for sexual favors by storeowners or officials. And even male aid workers aren’t beyond wanting to trade sex for help.
A divorced relative, a mother of two kids, experienced that recently, says Maryam. “One of the men at an NGO told her that if you accept to sleep with me, if we can have a sexual relations, every time I have any kind of access to assistance, it will be yours. It will have your name on it.”
Inside the overcrowded apartment there’s little relief either. As she talked, Maryam frequently wrung her hands. “My relationship with me and my husband has changed a lot since we arrived in Lebanon. Because of all of this stress and fearful situations we are living in. My husband never used to hit any of the children now he’ll hit them, he’ll scream at me, shout at me,” she said during an interview at a community center that The Daily Beast was asked not to identify, to protect the identities of the women seeking help there.
Over three quarters of the Syrian refugees in Lebanon are women and children, according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), and they make up a population that is highly vulnerable to exploitation and becoming more so as the refugee influx into Lebanon increases, straining the resources of the international and Lebanese aid community. Just over 600,000 refugees have registered with the U.N., but the Lebanese government estimates there are more than a million Syrian refugees now—a 25 percent growth in Lebanon’s population. Another million are predicted by year’s end.
Sixteen-year-old Ishtar is one of the casualties in what many social workers see as a war on women. She fled the Syrian town of Homs along with her mother and older sister last December after the death of her car-mechanic father, who was killed in an airstrike. She and her sister have been begging in the upscale Beirut districts of Hamra and Verdun to supplement what charity they scratch together from NGOs. In the last few weeks both have succumbed to the aggressive sexual harassment they encounter daily on the streets and in desperation for cash engaged in what aid workers describe as survival sex.
Ishtar, a frail thing, made further waif-like in her black hijab and jilbab, says most of the men have treated her roughly in hurried encounters in cars, abandoned buildings or in wastelands surrounding the city. Most men don’t use a condom and she confides she averages about half-a-dozen men a week. They pay her about $20 or $30. (Social workers say prices are even lower outside Beirut and in parts of southern Lebanon and the Bekaa Valley women are selling themselves for as little as $7.)
“They treat me like an animal,” she says through a Lebanese translator. “But then that is what I have become.” She flashes through different emotions—defiance, anger, and shame—as she justifies, as much to herself as to me, what she’s doing.
“There is a big problem of prostitution,” says Rima ZaaZaa of the Lebanese NGO Tadamun wa Tanmia (Solidarity and Development), who’s helping abused women. “There are certain group shelters that are known for prostitution. It is a final resort for some women. You have to look at it from the human side—I am not justifying it, but when the people are lacking the minimum standards of living what are they meant to do?”
“Reported cases of child-bride marriages, prostitution, sexual abuse, and gender-based violence are the tip of a large iceberg. We are seeing every kind of case.”

Syrian women have become prey, says Maryam: “A Lebanese neighbor told me, ‘You Syrian women and girls are tempting the men here in Lebanon and you are making these temptations and seductions for them.’ I told her that the men are approaching us. They are making use of the crisis and the bad conditions we are living in.”
That is why Ala, a 26-year-old mother of three small children, says she prefers to avoid mingling. “I try to keep myself separate, to stay in the apartment as much as possible and not to mingle. It makes me feel safer.” Although like Maryam there are dangers at home too; her husband also has become aggressive with her. “I can say our lives have changed a lot.”
Could she persuade him to go to counseling, if there were opportunities available? She laughs wryly. “I wouldn’t dare to do this, even if I want to, I wouldn’t dare. He would say, ‘I am the man. I know what is right and what is wrong.”
The dangers faced by Syrian refugee women and children in Jordan—from rape, and kidnapping to forced prostitution to sham marriages of underage girls to wealthy Gulf Arabs—have been well documented by the international media. In Jordan most refugees are housed in large camps—115,000 alone at the Zaatari camp, making it Jordan’s fifth-largest city—and digging out the abuse that women and young girls are enduring is in some ways easier, since it is more visible.
In Lebanon the government has refused to allow the building of camps. Refugees are scattered throughout the country—the biggest concentrations are in the Bekaa Valley and northern Lebanon—living where they can in shabby rental accommodation, makeshift shelters, and abandoned and incomplete buildings often without doors, windows and with no privacy. They pay exorbitant rents for over-crowded shelter. Some live with Lebanese relatives, but only a small proportion.
Widespread dispersal along with a shortage of funds and staff makes it harder for aid agencies and social-welfare NGOs to monitor what’s happening to refugee women, to detect abuse and to offer solutions except to a lucky few, according to Emmanuelle Compingt of the UNHCR, who is overseeing a coordination effort between the U.N. agency and 22 partner NGOs on sexual and gender-based violence. “I think reported cases of child-bride marriages, prostitution, sexual abuse, and gender-based violence are the tip of a large iceberg,” she says. “We are seeing every kind of case.”
While confirmed statistics are in short supply, anecdotal data isn’t. All the NGOs are reporting rising trends when it comes to the marrying-off of young girls, survival sex, rapes and sexual abuse and violence toward women within families by husbands or other male relatives. There are about 50 community centers and 20 safe-space facilities catering for women around the country and all are dealing with more cases than they can handle.
Naysayers about claims of widespread abuse of Syrian refugee women dismiss reports of rising prostitution, for example, or widespread sexual harassment as over-egged, claiming there are isolated cases. Raise the subject of prostitution or survival sex with the authorities and they immediately talk about the trafficking of women, saying there’s little evidence of extensive trafficking, pointing to figures from the Internal Security Forces showing there were 27 trafficked women in 2011 with exactly the same number reported last year.
The UNHCR’s Compingt thinks they are missing the point and that forced prostitution doesn’t necessarily mean women are being trafficked—rather, she says they are being forced by their desperate circumstances to resort to selling their bodies, and men are happy to exploit their plight. “The women may be on one level willing but it is a forced willingness. They are being exploited for everything—when trying to get jobs or accommodation or extra food for their families.”
They are unlikely to go to the ISF to lodge a complaint, says Compingt. “They are afraid to, ashamed.”
Most Syrian refugees remain tight-lipped about the problems they are facing—whether harassment from mainly Lebanese men or the violence or sexual abuse their husbands or male relatives may mete out to them. Conservative and traditional, they fear the taint or they worry about the Lebanese using it to heap ignominy on Syrians and to blame them.
“They are not accustomed to coming forward,” says women’s center director Rima ZaaZaa. “Of course it isn’t just Syrian women. We Arab women are not being raised to look out for ourselves. All the time we are raised to be submissive.” She says sometimes she gets depressed about the scale of the problems she perceives. But then she remembers what she is trying to achieve: “to provide the opportunities for women to think about themselves as human beings, who have needs, who have desires and who have rights that should be fulfilled.”

Tuesday, 27 August 2013

Women Refugees: The facts and statistics

Original Source:http://www.ivillage.co.uk/women-refugees-the-facts-and-statistics/80018

The following facts, supplied by the United Nations High Commission for Refugees, illustrate the startling truth about the suffering of women
There are approximately 50 million uprooted people around the world - refugees who have sought safety in another country and people displaced within their own country. Between 75-80 per cent of them are women and children.
The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees cares for 21.8 million of these people. Around half of them are women and girls.
The majority of people flee their homes because of war and the proportion of war victims who are civilians leaped in recent decades from five per cent to over 90 per cent of casualties. Eighty per cent of casualties by small arms are women and children, who far outnumber military casualties.
Domestic violence is the most widespread form of abuse against women, with between one quarter and one half of women having been abused by a partner. Only 44 countries specifically protect women against domestic violence.

 
Females are subjected to widespread sexual abuse. In Bosnia and Rwanda rape became a deliberate aim of war. More than 20,000 Muslim women were raped in Bosnia in a single year, 1992, and a great majority of the female survivors of Rwanda's 1994 genocide were assaulted.
One in five women worldwide are victims of rape, many by known attackers. Between 40-60 per cent of sexual assaults are committed against girls younger than 16.
More than 300,000 youngsters, many of them female refugees, are currently serving as child soldiers around the world. The girls are often forced into different forms of sexual slavery.
More than 16.4 million women today have HIV/AIDS and in the last few years the percentage of women infected has risen from 41 to 47 per cent of the affected population. In sub-Saharan Africa, teenage girls are five times more likely to be infected than boys.
The introduction of sex education and safety procedures can have dramatic results. In Uganda, the rates of sexual infection among educated women dropped by more than half between 1995 and 1997.
The majority of trafficked people are women, especially those bound for the world's sex industries. Females are particularly vulnerable to trafficking because many have little individual security, economic opportunity or property or land ownership. Many victims are kidnapped or sold into slavery by their own families.
An estimated 45,000 households in Rwanda are headed by children; 90 per cent of them girls.
An estimated 1.3 billion people worldwide, 70 per cent of them women, live in absolute poverty on less than $1 a day.


Monday, 26 August 2013

Refugee Women need sexual healthcare too

Original Source:http://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2013/may/30/refugee-women-sexual-healthcare-lakshmi-puri

MDG Lakshmi Puri
Lakshmi Puri, acting head of UN Women, says the organisation needs more funding if it is to build on its progress over the past two years. Photograph: Claudine Spera
Women and girls who have been displaced by conflict or disaster need to be offered the same sexual and reproductive healthcare available in other settings, the acting head of UN Women said on Wednesday.
Lakshmi Puri, who assumed temporary leadership of the organisation following the resignation of Michelle Bachelet in March, said women's right to access healthcare needed to be upheld "in all circumstances, in all settings, including for refugee[s]".
Family planning has been one of the three key themes of the Women Deliver conference in Kuala Lumpur this week. Speakers have repeatedly highlighted the need for affordable, reliable, accessible services to satisfy the unmet need of more than 200 million women and girls in developing countries. But there has been little or no mention of ensuring family planning reaches women and girls in difficult settings, such as those in camps for refugees or internally displaced people (video).
According to the UN, at the beginning of 2012, more than 15 million people were registered as refugees globally. The Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre said the number of people internally displaced by conflict, war or human rights abuses reached a record-high 28.8 million last year. The UN Population Fund (UNFPA) says refugees' demands for contraception should be met as soon as possible.
But a study of refugee camps in Djibouti, Jordan, Kenya, Malaysia and Uganda – conducted in 2011 by the UN refugee agency, UNHCR, and the Women's Refugee Commission – found the use of contraceptives in camps was lower than in surrounding settlements. The report said more information about family planning should be made available to women in camps and called for a wider range of contraceptives to be offered.
An initiative expected to be launched on Thursday by the International Planned Parenthood Federation and the UNFPA could boost family planning services among refugees and other hard-to-reach communities.
"You need to have accessible, affordable, sustainable, quality … sexual and reproductive health service delivery and this applies to women in refugee situations," Puri told the Guardian. "All three aspects of sexual and reproductive health-related services need to be provided – contraception, [the] maternal health aspect, and for sexually transmitted infections."
Women and girls can spend years in refugee camps. Access to family planning could reduce the need for other services. "In a refugee context, I think you need it to control the demand side," she said.
Family planning services are as much a priority provision in a refugee camp as any other services. "It's a human entitlement," she said.
Looking ahead to development after 2015, when the millennium development goals expire, Puri says UN Women has put forward a "prototype" of what should be included in a standalone gender equality goal – which she says "cannot but be there" in any new set of targets. Among the nine indicators included in a gender quality goal is one referencing the protection of women's sexual and reproductive health and rights, which would specifically include access to family planning services. Other indicators include prevention and protection against violence, reducing maternal mortality rates, and participation in all levels of decision-making.
A test of whether gender equality is considered a priority among the international community will be the publication on Friday of the UN high-level panel report, which is expected to contain illustrative goals that member states will either build on or reject over the coming 18 months.
"We've had MDG three and MDG five, which are off track, and effectively every other goals is a gender goal in some way. We have to carry all that forward into the new generation of development goals," says Puri.
The ability of UN Women to do its job to the full and drive progress on these issues is, she adds, affected by funding. UN Women was established two years ago as the world plunged deeper into economic crisis and donors began to shy away from committing funds to overseas development.
From the start, the agency has struggled for cash and has had to prove itself worthy of any money it has received. "We have been a child of hard times," says Puri.

Sunday, 25 August 2013

Democratic Republic of Congo's Women hold key to lasting Peace

Original Source:http://allafrica.com/stories/201308210915.html


Women have suffered most as a result of conflict in DRC and the Great Lakes region - their voices must be heard
Not a week goes by without reports of fresh fighting in the eastern areas of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Violence and destruction have ravaged the Great Lakes region of Africa for two decades, claiming more than 5 million lives. Yet the situation rarely makes the headlines.
What strikes me is the lack of outrage and horror, particularly given the disproportionate impact the conflict is having on women and children. As I asked the UN security council last month, how can we accept a situation where rape and sexual violence - which, let us be clear, are war crimes - have become the norm?
When Ban Ki-moon asked me to become his special envoy for the Great Lakes in March, I felt a particular responsibility to the mothers, daughters and grandmothers who - since my first visit to the region, as president of Ireland in 1994 - have shared with me what they have suffered in Bujumbura, Bukavu, Goma, Kigali or Kinshasa.
In 20 years of killings, rape, destruction and displacement, these women have suffered most. Yet I believe they are the region's best hope for building lasting peace. My job now, and the job of the international community, is to support them in every way we can.
Women's voices should not only be heard because they are the victims of the war. Their active participation in peace efforts is essential, because they are the most effective peace builders. As men take up arms, women hold communities together in times of war. This makes them stronger and better equipped to play a key role in securing real peace, as we have seen in Northern Ireland, Liberia and elsewhere.
My approach to peace-building involves not just political leaders, but all of civil society, including women. Without their full support and participation, no peace agreement can succeed. How many secret deals have been negotiated in the Great Lakes region, only to be ignored or forgotten by the signatories for lack of transparency and accountability?
I believe the peace, security and co-operation framework for the DRC and the region, signed in Addis Ababa in February 2013 by 11 African countries, provides an opportunity to do things differently. That is why I have called it a framework of hope. I have started to work on its implementation top-down, with the 11 heads of state who signed the agreement, and bottom-up, with the people of the region who will be its real beneficiaries.
As the first woman to be appointed UN special envoy, I have promised to ensure that women's voices are heard at the negotiating table. Last month, with Femmes Africa Solidarité and the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region, we brought together more than 100 women from across the region - including the gender ministers of the DRC, Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi - in Bujumbura. One upshot of the meeting has been to ensure the consequences of sexual violence are included in the benchmarks we are developing to measure progress in the implementation of the peace agreement.
I feel energised by the leadership shown by the women I met in Bujumbura.
They are taking full responsibility for peace, security and development in the region. Reaching across national borders, they are innovative, collegial and practical. I rely on them to hold their leaders to account for the full implementation of the framework of hope.
As special envoy, I will continue to support female-led initiatives. I am pleased the World Bank has allocated $150m (£98m) to finance gender-based projects, in addition to the $1bn already pledged for the region. I encourage the donor community to be even more strategic in its support of the framework of hope. It is crucial to demonstrate the economic benefits of a lasting peace based on development - what I call the peace dividend.
Almost six months after the signing of the peace agreement, armed groups are still roaming in eastern Congo, sowing terror and destruction. This is not acceptable. I have heard the region's people voice their frustration and anger at the slow pace of change. However, I am confident that, with the support of civil society - including women - we can succeed in bringing peace to the region.
I have often heard my friend Desmond Tutu, a fellow member of the Elders, say: "I am not an optimist, I am a prisoner of hope." The women of the Great Lakes are keeping my hope alive.

Thursday, 22 August 2013

Women without men vulnerable in South Sudan Refugee Camps

orginal source:http://www.irinnews.org/report/97260/women-without-men-vulnerable-in-south-sudan-apos-s-refugee-camps

Researcher- Avantiika Lal

MABAN, 16 January 2013 (IRIN) - Mahasa* sits in the dust outside the hut she built herself, holding her youngest son in her arms.

The 29-year-old mother of four knows how vulnerable she is. "I'm scared," she said.

Mahasa is one of many women who have fled, unaccompanied by their husbands, to Maban County in South Sudan's Upper Nile State, escaping the fighting in Sudan's Blue Nile State between government forces and the rebel Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North. Mahasa’s husband is still in Blue Nile, fighting alongside the rebels.

She now lives in Doro camp, which houses more than 44,000 refugees. There, she - like other female refugees - faces daily threats of harassment, exploitation and violence, and the persistent fear that, as a woman, she will be unable to provide for her family.

Harassment

The fighting in South Kordofan and Blue Nile states, which started in June 2011, has so far displaced more than 112,000 civilians to South Sudan. Humanitarians say they were "overwhelmed" during the rainy season in the second half of 2012, as tens of thousands of refugees, most of them women and children, came pouring across the border from Blue Nile State. The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) and its partners scrambled to meet the basic needs of the new arrivals, who initially slept under trees and survived on fruit and stagnant groundwater.

Now, six months later, fighting continues across the border, but the rate of arrivals has eased and aid agencies are transitioning from emergency response mode to meeting the longer-term needs of the refugee population.

More than 80 percent of the refugees are women and children, says Myrat Muradov, a protection officer with UNHCR. The agency has begun to look at the particular vulnerabilities of this group, many of whom are completely dependent on food rations.

"Widows and pregnant women need much help," he said.

Because the camps are spread out across large areas, women often have to walk very long distances to reach food distributions points, and then they must carry the heavy ration bags back with them.
Mahasa, for example, walks half an hour in each direction to collect the food she needs to feed her children.

Aid workers say that on these collection journeys, single women and the elderly are particularly vulnerable to exploitation, sometimes being forced to part with a portion of their ration in exchange for assistance transporting it.

However, this is not the crime Mahasa fears most. One of the most difficult things she and other women must do is collect firewood from the bush surrounding the camp; not only is it hard work, it is also "dangerous," she says, because members of the host community often approach and harass female refugees.

"They hit us," Mahasa says. “They also take the axe from us."

Tensions between the refugees and the host community have been mounting, largely over increasingly limited resources.

Maple*, an older woman in the camp, and Talitha*, her adult daughter, express similar fears, reporting that both men and women from the host community have hit them with sticks and chased them away as they tried to collect firewood.

"The only way to get the firewood is to hide yourself in order to protect yourself from the host community," Maple said.

Sexual violence

The issue is of growing concern for protection officers working in the four refugees camps of Maban County. Firewood collection "exposes women to humungous risks in terms of sexual violence," one officer working in the camps told IRIN.


A Human Rights Watch report, released on 12 Dec 2012, documented instances of such sexual violence and pointing out that in Jamam camp - also in Upper Nile State - women regularly walk for an hour and a half each way to collect firewood.

The Danish Refugee Council released a sexual and gender-based violence rapid assessment of Doro in October 2012. "Adult women and adolescent girls recounted cases of rape, attempted rape, sexual abuse and harassment," the assessment states. It also found that many instances of sexual and gender-based violence went unreported due to fears of stigmatization. Indeed, the assessment noted that healthcare providers in Doro camp had not had a single instance of rape reported to them since the beginning of 2012.

Support programmes launched

In an attempt to overcome the taboo against speaking about sexual violence, UNHCR has deployed a team to Doro for three months; its mission, Muradov says, is to disseminate information about the availability of post-rape care and get referrals to health services going.

The agency aims to establish a sexual and gender-based violence programme with focus groups to encourage women to talk more openly. However, the lack of female interpreters is a major barrier to this project, so, alongside income-generation projects, language training for women has been made a priority for 2013.

"It's a large part of the strategy moving into a more sustainable operation," Muradov said.

UNHCR has also launched "fuel efficiency talks", which provide training for women across all four Upper Nile camps - Doro, Gendrassa, Jamam and Yusuf Batil - on how to reduce the amount of firewood they use by up to 50 percent. Reducing the quantity of firewood used would alleviating some of the tension with the host community and decreasing the number of firewood collection trips the women have to make, lowering their exposure to potential violence

Meanwhile, UNHCR's Muradov says the American Refugee Council is focusing on psychosocial counselling, while Handicap International is looking at people with special needs. Other humanitarian agencies say they are in the initial phases of establishing income-generating projects for women, aimed at fostering economic independence for female-headed households to protect them from exploitation.

For now though, Mahasa remains worried. "Without a husband, I may not be able to provide for the children," she said.

*Family names withheld

Wednesday, 21 August 2013

Kishtwar: What lies beneath Communal Violence

Source: http://www.claws.in/Kishtwar-Riots-What-lies-beneath-Communal-Violence-Pratibha-Singh.html


Peace in Jammu and Kashmir is fragile and a small incident could well turn into a major conflagration. The violence that suddenly erupted in Kishtwar during Eid-ul-Fitr celebrations on 9 August and soon took communal overtones is testimony to the brittle nature of peace that prevails in these areas. The violence unleashed in Kishtwar soon spilled over to the neighbouring districts of Udhampur, Samba, Kathua, Reasi, Rajourie and Doda. Curfew imposed in Kishtwar following the violence continued for 12 days, until lifted on 21 August 2013.
What caused the violence? As per local media reports, a group of villagers from Hullar, raising anti-India slogans, were going to the Eidgah to join Eid parayers at the Chowgan ground. This group got into an altercation with a few youth from the other community at Kuleed. At this time, some police personnel, said to be Personnel Security Officers (PSOs) of a local leader, opened fire in air. They were allegedly joined by some Village Defence Committee (VDC) members, who opened fire from their houses. The government version of the events stated, “Some anti-social elements picked up a fight in Kishtwar which turned violent and caused further disturbance to the large gathering on the occasion of Eid festival. As a result of rumour mongering the incident spread to other parts of the city where anti-social elements looted shops and indulged in arson”[1]. The tensions were also heightened if not entirely induced by the killing of five Indian soldiers in cross LoC firing.


Though incidents of violence continue to occur sporadically, it must not be forgotten that Jammu and Kashmir has a rich history of peaceful coexistence between diverse religious communities and ethnic groups. There is no historical basis for animosity between different sections of society, which therefore lends credence to the view that violence is more often than not provoked. To that extent, the threat lies within. Two causative factors merit consideration. First, there are vested political interests who want to perpetuate the tension and chaos in the region. Second, the peace process in J&K cannot be achieved without addressing the intrastate dimensions of the conflict. Jammu and Ladakh do not necessarily identify with the Kashmir nationalism. The latter has its roots in the Praja Parishad Agitation of 1953, which exemplifies the intra state differences that exist within J&K and are often used as a tool by politicians to divide people on communal lines.
Sheikh Abdullah, when elected as the leader of the State Assembly in 1951 launched the ‘New Kashmir Manifesto’, which advocated agrarian reforms, women’s empowerment and employment. This found resonance amongst the progressive elements of Kashmir. However, his unwillingness to ratify the Delhi agreement of 1951 caused unease in the Centre about the regime it had set up in Srinagar. Though the National Conference made secular claims, its policies aimed to secure Muslim votes in the valley of Kashmir. This struck a negative chord amongst the majority Hindu population in Jammu that found itself at the receiving end of these policies as well as an unfamiliar repression. Thereafter, the Hindu majority joined the violent agitation launched by local Praja Parishad Party and the newly formed Jan Sangh (presided over by Dr. Shyam Prasad Mookerjee) against Sheikh Abdullah. They campaigned for revoking the special status accorded to the state of Jammu and Kashmir and demanded its total accession to India. The slogan, “Ek Desh mein do Nishan, Ek Desh mein do Vidhan, Ek Desh mein do Pradhan - Nahin Chalenge, Nahin Chalenge”[2] echoed in the Jammu region.
Ram Chandra Guha, in his book “India after Gandhi” mentioned that, “The popular movement led by Dr. Mukherjee planted the seed of independence in Sheikh Abdullah’s mind; the outcry following his death only seems to have nurtured it”. Abdullah assumed that he could seek American help to carve out an independent nation of Kashmir, something like the “Switzerland of the East”. The unfortunate death of Dr. Shyam Prasad Mukherjee sparked an anti Nehru (who for a long time was indifferent to the chaos in the state)[3] and most importantly an anti Abdullah sentiment across Jammu. Consequently, in 1953 Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed replaced Sheikh Abdullah as the Prime Minister of J&K. He adopted a constitution without any reference to referendum and pushed forward the integration of J&K within India. This incident sowed seeds of factionalism between the people of Jammu and Kashmir, the effect of which exists till date.
Amarnath Land Row of 2008
In 2008, the Centre and the State Government in Jammu and Kashmir agreed upon a land transfer of 99 acres to Shri Amarnath Shrine Board to construct shelters for Hindu pilgrims in the Kashmir Valley. This sparked a strong reaction in the Kashmir Valley forcing revocation of the proposal. Consequently, protests erupted in Jammu where Hindus and Muslims joined hands against the appeasement of Kashmiris and the fear of political marginalisation. The incident acquired a political tone when fresh elections were declared to be held in J&K later in the year with the Vishwa Hindu Parishad , Bajrang Dal and Bhartiya Janta Party joining the agitation. The agitation fetched votes for BJP, which increased its seat share to 11 from the earlier eight seats held in Jammu. The National Conference and Congress won the election and came to power.
Mehbooba Mufti (President-PDP) while representing the perspective of people in Kashmir said, “People have seen that New Delhi succumbs to communal forces and passes unilateral orders in Kashmir. Kashmiris feel totally alienated and think the Government in Delhi is ready to bend backwards to satisfy the communal forces.” The regional tensions have continued ever since and have made the Kashmir problem intractable.
To give a communal colour to the Kishtwar violence would be a blunder as this area has historically been free from communal violence. However, its proximity to Kashmir is what makes it a “fertile ground” for Kashmiri separatists and their rivals to widen the communal divide. Kishtwar  has a Muslim to Hindu population of 60:40[4] where both the communities have been known to have lived peacefully before the advent of militancy and Village Defence Committees[5]  in the area. Kashmiri nationalism has made no inroads into Jammu and Ladakh. While Kashmiris state that they are being given step motherly treatment by the Centre, people in Jammu and Ladakh feel that they are given a step motherly treatment because the Kashmiris dominate the socio-political set up of the state. Muslims in Jammu and Ladakh area also do not identify with the political aspirations of Kashmiris.[6]
In addition, the national and local media is often instrumental in widening the gulf and fanning tension between the two communities. During the Kishtwar riots, people also engaged in a virtual war over social media websites and this too contributed to the spread of violence. The social media is a powerful tool today and efforts need to be made to spread truth and stop rumour mongering through this all-pervasive means of information sharing.
The situation in Jammu and Kashmir is volatile and politicians often play the communal card in an attempt to divert the attention from the mal-administration that has plagued the region for several years. The developmental issues are hardly addressed. Kishtwar has a literacy rate of seventy percent but is still counted amongst the most under developed districts in the region. It makes news only for the wrong reasons .Villages near the LoC region are seldom highlighted in the media except for ceasefire violation or a war like situation. Mohar Ban, a village near Poonch district comprising of three hundred and fifty destitute is enveloped in darkness during the night. The State had received Rs eight hundred and twenty crore under  Rajiv Gandhi Grameen Vidyuktikaran Yojana  through which thirty lakh houses had to be illuminated. After spending sixty percent of the amount, only twenty nine thousand seven hundred and forty two villages have received electricity. Several villages share the same story as Mohar Ban.
The health infrastructure in the region also represents a dismal picture. Given the absence of opportunities to support themselves and several years of political turmoil a new trend is emerging in Kashmir where young, educated and disillusioned people from the Valley are being drawn towards militancy.“We are not scared of death, we are just scared of detention of our families”, said Shakeel Ahmed , a 24 year old pharmaceutical representative, before returning to throw stones at the police. “The level of militancy is low now, but it will rise, God willing”.[7] This phenomenon signals towards a lurking shadow of militancy beneath the declining trend in insurgency in the past few years
Elections are scheduled in the State in 2014. In their, urge to gain power, some political parties might go to any extent to sow seeds of violence and communalism in the fragile State. However, one can only hope that good sense will prevail in the region and welfare of the common man would be given top most priority. Few recommendations that merit consideration are as under: -
  • Intra State difference is the core issue, which often stalls the peace process in J&K. A dialogue amongst all the factions including the Central and the State Government is not only necessary but also vital.
  • National and local media should be instrumental in providing an analytical and unbiased overview of such events in future, especially the ones potent of creating communal rifts.
  • Education, employment, health and other development concerns should be given the top most priority. These channels have the potential to mitigate conflict.

References:

-Burke Jason, “Kashmir Conflict ebbs as a new wave of militant emerges”, The Guardian, August 2013
-Guha Ramchandra , “ A Fateful Arrest”, The Hindu, August 2008
-Iqbal Fida, “Election 2014”, Greater Kashmir, May 2013
-Wani Riyaz, “What Pushed Kishtwar over the Edge”, Tehelka, August 2013
-Kandhari Mohit, “Kishtwar Mob Turns Riot”,The Pioneer, August 2013
-Puri Balraj, “The RSS Sabotage”,The Hindu, July 2001
-Puri Luv, “Gujjar Muslims flay remarks of separatists”, The Hindu, August 2008
-Kashmir, Editorial, The Economic Weekly,Vol VI-No 7,February 1954
-Swarup Bhagwat, “Abdullah imprisoned those, who advocated integration”,an interviewhttp://www.drsyamaprasadmookerjee.com/contemporary-study-in-english/abdullah-imprisoned-those/abdullah-imprisoned-those.pdf
-Jameel Yusuf, “Surviving in the Dark ages”,Kashmir Times, August 2013
-Wani Danish, “Sheikh Abdullah and the World’s Largest Democracy: The First Betrayal”,India resists, February 2013
-Government should have anticipated Kishtwar Violence: Ellora Puri, Business Standard, August 2013
-Mattoo Amitabh, “Masked Men of Kishtwar”,The Indian Express, August 2013
-Chibber Manish, Sharma Arun, “Beneath the communal violence in Kishwar lies politics and creeping shadow of militancy”,The Indian Express, August 2013
-Mishra Abhinanadan,Noor-Ul-Qamran, & Das Purba, “Village Defence Committes will be probed in Kishtwar”, The Sunday Guardian, August 2013



[1] Maneesh Chhibber and Arun Sharma,  ‘Beneath the communal violence in Kishtwar lies politics and creeping shadow of militancy’, http://www.indianexpress.com/news/beneath-the-communal-violence-in-kishtwar-lies-politics-and-creeping-shadow-of-militancy/1156545/
[2] The English translation is ‘Two flags, Two Constitutions and Two Presidents shall not be permitted in a single country’.
[3] Writing to his friend and colleague C. Rajagopalachari on the last day of July, 1953, Jawaharlal Nehru observed that “the internal situation in Kashmir’ was “progressively deteriorating”. This was caused, in the first instance, “by the wholly misconceived Praja Parishad and Jan Sangh agitation, which produced strong reactions in the Kashmir valley”. This was bad enough; worse still was the fact that Sheikh Abdullah, while retaining his position as Prime Minister of the State, had begun “functioning as the leader of the opposition”.http://www.hindu.com/mag/2008/08/03/stories/2008080350130300.htm
[4] Sectarian politics fuelled Kishtwar riots http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/sectarian-politics-fuelled-kishtwar-riot/article5016380.ece?homepage=true
[6] Haji Mohammed Qasim who had led the first organised civilian revolt against militants in Poonch district said, “We are touring various parts and trying to spread our message of secularism. Ethnically and linguistically we are closer to our Hindu brothers of Jammu. We cannot shun these ties and this is the message we have. We do not accept this argument that we want to separate from Jammu Hindus. This is a relationship of centuries and this cannot be severed


[7] Kashmir Conflict ebbs as a new wave of militant emergeshttp://www.theguardian.com/w

Tuesday, 20 August 2013

Syrian Women Refugees stitch together trust and hope

Original Source : http://community.feministing.com/2013/04/17/syrian-women-refugees-stitch-together-trust-and-hope/

Researcher: Avantika Lal

The sound of women laughing and making jokes are all one can hear standing outside the Tailoring Workshop container at the Women and Girls Oasis in Zaatari refugee camp located in the Jordanian Governorate of Mafraq, close to the Syrian border.
It is estimated that more than 70,000 people have been killed and more than three million displaced both within and outside of Syria since the uprising against President al-Assad began in March 2011.[i] This week, the heads of five United Nations agencies called on political leaders to meet their responsibility to the people of Syria and to the future of the region.[ii] According to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), 432,263 Syrian refugees had fled to Jordan as of 15 April.[iii] Half of them are now living at the Zaatari camp.[iv]
The Tailoring workshop takes place in an open area of the camp surrounded by nine large white port containers where women take part in various stages of clothing production. Opening the door of one of the containers, one enters a brightly lit space where some smiling women sit behind eight sewing machines working on colourful fabrics. There are four rows of sewing machines, two in each row. The remaining empty space is occupied by other women waiting for their turn to get behind the sewing machines and finish the pieces they are working on.



“My husband is an injured military defector. He cannot work so I took it upon myself to help provide for him and my three kids. By mere chance, a woman told me about UN Women’s oasis and the tailoring workshop and here I am. It is the best thing that ever happened to me since we fled Syria three months ago,” says Fatima, beaming while Hajar nods her head in agreement.
At the Syrian refugee camp of Zaatari, UN Women Jordan is supporting the establishment of a “safe space” named “Women and Girls Oasis.” The “cash for work” programme enables Syrian women refugees who are professional tailors and hairdressers to work six hours a day in the workshops and earn a living. The tailors sew newborn outfits for babies that are delivered at the hospitals operating within the camp.
Hajar, another participant, opens up and speaks with incredible candor about the hardships she has faced: “I have been through a lot and did not expect my life to turn out the way it did. I fled Syria with my five children because I received threats on my son’s life. I left everything behind, my house, my husband and all my belongings and embarked on a trip to the unknown. I reached the camp already depressed with very few words to exchange with others. At some point, my words got stifled by sadness, the smile left my face and tears became a permanent companion.”
However, Hajar says her grief started to gradually dissipate after learning about the Tailoring Workshop. As a professional tailor, she became involved, in the activities taking place in the Oasis, along with some 300 women and teenage girls. They do tailoring, hairdressing, drawing, English classes, mosaic and handcrafts as well as learning gymnastics.
The impact of the Oasis goes far beyond a mere source of income for these women. The growing bonds and trust formed with the Oasis’ staff and other women have encouraged many to speak out about taboo subjects such as gender-based violence in the private sphere. They exchange stories, and no longer shy away from sharing their experiences about psychological and emotional violence they face in their homes.
The Oasis has allowed refugee women to take advantage of this safe haven and experience a different and unexpected role in the camp’s social life, as well as within their own family structure. They have become the breadwinners and their contribution to their households is well recognized by their husbands, as Fatima indicates. The Oasis is considered an intervention that has brought smiles back to the faces of Fatima and Hajar.
“We have hope now! We feel safe, and are looking forward to the day when we go back to a peaceful and stable Syria,” Hajar concludes.