Nagalim: Increasing Rate Of Crimes Mobilizes Women’s Organizations - See more at: http://www.unpo.org/article/17076#sthash.gLK4KjKj.dpuf

Original Source: http://www.unpo.org/article/17076

Several women’s organizations in Nagalim have condemned violence against women, which has considerably increased. There have been several cases of rape of minors, a trafficking case, and the murder of a woman in April 2014. The organizations have appealed for a stimulation of a sense of morality, responsibility, and discipline, and asked law enforcement agencies to do more, warning that otherwise violence against women will continue.

Below is an article published by the Morung Express

The ever-growing rate of crimes against women in Naga society has yet again drawn the ire of Naga women organizations, which have urged law enforcing agencies to ensure befitting punishment, and the society to imbibe a sense of morality, responsibility and discipline.

The Naga Women’s Union (NWU) and the Indigenous Women’s Forum for North-East India (IWFNEI) in a joint statement today [April 22, 2014] condemned acts of gender insensitivity, atrocities and disrespect of women in society. Rampant violence against women, they stated, has reached an “alarming level.” The two women’s bodies cited the examples of the “rape” of a minor girl by Povetso at Mohonkhola, Kohima on April 13 [2014], rape of minor girl by S. Ngaopuni (65) of Poumai Colony at Koirengei Hills, Imphal on April 17, rape and assault of a woman (43) by Waikhom Saratkumar (45) in Thoubal on April 14, rape of minor girl of Sora Mayai Leikai, abducted and raped by Md. Rahman alias Namba (22) of Sangai Humpham Cherapur, and a case of trafficking which came to light when an inmate (minor) of Grace Academy, Hamleikhong in Ukhrul District, escaped from the clutches of alleged traffickers while her younger sister in class V is still believed to be in the custody of traffickers.

“These incidents of evil acts have shocked our collective conscience and it is an indication of how inhumane one can become,” stated the NWU and IWFNEI. They appealed to “every sensible person” to denounce these violent acts and “cooperate in rooting out social evils and urge law enforcing agencies to award befitting punishment to the culprits as per the law of the land and promptly trace and rescue the missing minor girl from the kidnappers.” The two women’s organizations also encouraged that “a sense of morality, responsibility, discipline and God fearing is duly imparted in the families, schools, Churches, institutions, etc to eradicate such violence and cruel acts against Women.”

Meanwhile, the Naga Mothers’ Association (NMA) on April 22 [2014] condemned in the “strongest term” the “brutal and senseless murder” of a woman on April 17 in Dimapur, as well as the alleged rape of a minor girl in Kohima. “Such unethical, monstrous and most inhuman crime should be seriously investigated and punished in its severest manner so that it don’t happen again,” stated the NMA in a press release from its president Abei-u Meru and secretary, Lochumbeni Humtsoe. “Violent crimes against women have been re-occuring in our society and just verbal condemnation is not enough. Unless law takes strict action and creates a sense of fear in people, such sad incidents will continue to happen,” it said, also appealing and demanding for the law enforcing agencies to “ensure that the perpetrators are given the strictest punishment possible.”

- See more at: http://www.unpo.org/article/17076#sthash.gLK4KjKj.dpuf

Conflict induced displacement must end

Original Source:

The 30 July 2013 announcement of the Congress Working Committee decision to create a separate Telangana state within the Union of India spurred other statehood demands. In Assam, ethnic groups like the Bodos, Karbis, Dimasas, and Koch Rajbonshis – which have all been fighting for separate states for themselves – unleashed serial agitations and economic blockades to intensify their demands. This fuelled prevailing friction along ethnic lines; tension turned into violence and the result has been large-scale displacement.

December 2013 witnessed another episode in the history of displacement in Assam. More than 3,000 people, a majority belonging to the Rengma Naga tribe, a minority in Karbi Anglong district, have been displaced. Violent conflict between two insurgent groups and a statehood demand are reasons behind this forced displacement.

A series of incidents in Karbi Anglong district, beginning in June 2013, preceded this forced movement. According to AHRC's sources, on 9 June 2013, members of Karbi People's Liberation Tiger (KPLT), a militant organisation, issued a notice to Rengma Nagas to leave the district within a month or face dire consequences. The Rengma Nagas were also asked to surrender cadres of the Naga Rengma Hills Protection Force (NRHPF), an armed group believed to be formed in December 2012 to “protect” the Rengma Naga community.

The shismogenesis of KPLT relates to the history of the Karbi quest for autonomy vis-a-vis neighbouring tribes and in relation to the Union of India. The KPLT, earlier known as the Anti-Talks Factions of Karbi Longri North Cachar Hills Liberation Front (KLNLF-ATF), is an off-shoot of the Karbi Longri North Cachar Hills Liberation Front (KLNLF), which itself broke away from the United People's Democratic Solidarity (UDPS). UDPS signed ceasefire agreement with the Union government and surrendered in December 2011. The KLNLF is itself now in peace negotiations with the government, having signed a Suspension of Operation (SOS). However, the KPLT – formed when 20 members broke away from KLNLF in 2010 – decided to continue demands for the creation of a Hemprek Kanthim (self-ruled homeland) for the Karbi community in the Kabri Anglong and Dima Hasao districts.

As a result of the KPLT notice, as simmering tensions began to boil over, more than 500 villagers fled their homes within a month's time. These internally displaced people found shelter in what is now known as Chokihola relief camp.

October and November 2013 saw the KPLT allegedly impose an economic blockade, restrict movement, and make extortion demands on the Rengma Nagas. This severely obstructed the orange trade in the district, one of vital sources of livelihood of the Rengma Nagas in Karbi Anglong district. The Assam government failed, abysmally, to take measures to lift the isolation and economic blockage that affected the freedoms and trade of minorities in the district.

In order to restore peace and normalcy, community based organisations convened a meeting on 17 December 2013 and concluded that in the future anti-social activities would be monitored and respective tribes would hold their members accountable. The meeting also urged the creation for a police outpost in the area with immediate effect. The absence of police presence in the area to this date is but an indication of a negligent state.

Unfortunately, this community-based peace initiative failed; a series of killings, assaults, and destruction of property ensued, allegedly carried out by both the KPLT and NRHPF cadre.

Subsequent attempts for restoring peace by the social organisations, local political groups, and by police authorities proved fruitless. Violent attacks restarted on 27 December 2013. Fear displaced more than 3,000 people. Police inaction and passivity is considered to have contributed to the fear and exodus.

Tension reached a height again on 3 January 2014 when nine dead bodies were recovered from a grave in Chumukedima near Dimapur, Nagaland. The bodies were identified as those belonging to the Karbi community. NRHPF cadres are suspected to have been involved in these 9 murders in retaliation to attacks committed on Rengma Nagas.

The Assam Government announced compensation of INR 6 lakh for each of these 9 deaths. This announcement created yet another rift between the two communities. This is because of the unequal distribution of compensation to the kith and kin of Karbis and Rengma Nagas killed since end December 2013.

According to media sources, 3,131 people were forced to take shelter in nine relief camps in Bokajan, Assam. Of them, 1,683 are Rengma Nagas and 1,448 are Karbis as of 7 January, 2014. (The Hindu, 7 January 2014).

As on 22 March 2014, a total of 542 displaced persons out of the 1002 people lodged in the Silonijan Relief Camp, in Bokajan Sub division, have returned to their homes. However, being a minority community in Karbi Anglong, fear and insecurity prevails among the Rengma Nagas. Rengma Naga leaders have appealed for financial relief and rehabilitation support for the displaced people of their community.

An independent fact finding mission led by social activists submitted a memorandum to the Governor of Assam on 20 January 2014. The team observed that the state government had failed to maintain law and order despite prior intimation regarding impending violence and heightened conflict. The team expressed concern about the merging of judicial and executive powers in the district, where the Deputy Commissioner has been handling the law and order situation as well as conducting trails for cases. Karbi Anglong is an autonomous district as per Sixth Schedule [pursuant to Articles 244(2) and 275(1)] of the India Constitution where judicial and executive powers are not separated. This status has raised suspicions regarding the possibility of equitable justice guaranteed by the Constitution since often executives are not trained in law to deliver judicial duties.

Another memorandum, submitted on 30 January 2014 to the Governor of Assam by Rengma Naga organisations alleges that Rengma Nagas have been systematically sidelined from decision making processes for decades. The Memorandum includes a long outline of severe human rights violations and deprivation in Karbi Anglong district, which, if accurate, concern the AHRC. The memorandum speaks of multiple levels of corruption, economic blockades, disappearances, violations of right to free movement, general police inaction, and extra judicial killings, amongst other problems.

Displacement, and even the threat of it, affects communities enormously and causes insecurity, both physical and economical. It has been well documented how displacement increases human trafficking, as displaced women seek income and financial security.

The AHRC condemns the violent attacks and calls on the Governor of Assam to initiate an investigation and hold the perpetrators – no matter which ethnic group they belong to – accountable for the multiple acts of killings, torture, and restrictions on freedom. The AHRC urges the Assam government to ensure adequate compensation and rehabilitation of those displaced. Both the government of Assam and Union government should ensure justice, relief, rehabilitation and equal compensation for Rengma and Karbi victims and survivors.

Furthermore, the inactive role of law enforcement agencies in such times of ethnic tension, passivity which displaced itself in the face of repeated and desperate attempts by victims to seek protection, raises deep concern. The roles of the police and security personnel need re-assessment so the forces can become accountable and just. Re-establishing security to life and property with police presence should be a priority.

And, if the government of Assam and the Union of India ever wish to amend their policy of governance by neglect, a long term strategy for conflict resolution among different communities in north east India might be wise and in the interest of peace and justice.

North East Pasage

Original Source:http://www.womensurvivorsnetwork.org/articles.php?event=det&id=89&page=1


A campaign aims to correct a grievous omission in school textbooks - the near exclusion of the history of the North-East.

Binalakshmi Nepram, a 30-something activist from Manipur has traded guns for history. A noted disarmament activist (Nepram is the founder of the 'Manipur Women Gun Survivor Network' and convenor of the 'North-East India Women Initiative for Peace' ) she is presently canvassing the cause of the history of the North-East, which she feels isn't adequately represented in school and university textbooks across the country.

"Every child in India who goes to school knows about the Rani of Jhansi. Why not about the people from the eight states of the northeast who too did something worthwhile to be read about in school books? In our syllabus, the North-East is reduced to only trivia like Cherrapunji is one of the wettest places on earth, " she says, with some resentment.

Like so many other youth from the region Nepram went to college in the capital in the 1990s. She studied history at Delhi University (a bachelors and then a masters) but pursued it with some indignation - mostly because the history of her part of the country didn't manage even a chapter in her five years of study. "It surprised and even angered me. I confronted one of my professors, the renowned Sumit Sarkar, and he apologised on behalf of the entire fraternity for this miss, which was shocking to my mind, " she says.

But she was able to take up the issue only a yearand-a-half ago, and with a few like-minded friends from the region, founded the campaign called 'Weaving Histories of North-East India'. Much background research has been followed up by talks with local historians about the need for incorporating the region's history into mainstream Indian textbooks. "We have approached all those bodies that make school syllabus because that's where the change has to begin first, " says Nepram. The group has had meetings with the NCERT (National Council for Educational Research and Training), the CBSE (Central Board of Secondary Education) and the ICHR (Indian Council for Historical Research). "We've also met Shashi Tharoor, the minister of state for human resources development, as his ministry is the final authority in approving any changes in the syllabus, " she elaborates, adding that she was greeted with positive responses.

While the CBSE has told them that it was already beginning to rectify its online courses, the NCERT has asked them to prepare suggestions for inclusion in mainstream textbooks by 2015, when it is likely to meet to evaluate school syllabi.

However, the NCERT's response to TOI-Crest is different. MVSV Prasad, of the NCERT's Department of Education in Social Sciences states that, "No specific proposal was sought from any particular group. However, NCERT takes account of representations, suggestions and feedback from various sources as and when the current syllabus and textbooks are revised. During the processes of designing curriculum and developing syllabi and textbooks, the concerned committees consider various issues that are to be incorporated at different levels. "

He adds, "It is unfair to say that the North-East has been ignored from our textbooks. Indeed, the latest NCERT textbooks, developed during 2006-2008, have made extensive references to the region. " Prasad also points out that the NCERT has to focus on the entire nation when developing textbooks. "The North-East region may be eight states but they make up only 4 per cent of the population of the country whereas the region's coverage in the textbooks - not just history but across subjects - is about 10 per cent. However, that doesn't imply that we can't have further coverage. "

It's such 'further coverage' that could pacify ruffled feathers on the subject. Priyam Goswami, a professor of history at Gauhati University and honorary director of the Northeast chapter of ICHR says, "Most of the historical references right now are Brahmaputra Valley-centric. Yet the region is not one homogeneous whole but highly diverse. At places where we can't have whole chapters, we could incorporate the history of the region in a way we do for South India. Since I'm from Assam I could point out certain instances of Assamese history that could be mentioned - reference to Assam in epics, pauranic and tantrik literature;Muslim invasions of Assam in 1206, 1226 and 1257, all of which were repulsed;Buranji literature or the historical chronicles of Ahom rulers (who ruled here for six centuries ); Maidams which were vaults with chambers to bury Ahom kings and nobility;Sankardeva, a Vaishnavite saint/scholar/reformer who had a tremendous impact on Assam and so much more. " She adds that even college books on India's freedom struggle hardly make references to Assam, creating an assumption that the region was not involved at all.

Goswami, however, points out that the coverage of the North-East should not be restricted to just history but should extend to other subjects as well.

The NCERT counters by saying that many such references already exist and suggests that the exercise begin at the state level. "Besides, we get such grouses from all over the country. Whichever part of the country you go to they feel they have not been adequately represented. Certain districts too have similar complaints about not getting enough representation in the state books!"

Even as the debate about what makes for adequate representation goes on Nepram's group plods on with creating its proposal for the next NCERT meet, which may take place in 2015. "It's not a difficult task as we don't have to begin from scratch. There are quite a few good books only on the history of the region and along with the historians, we have to figure out what is important enough from each state to be given a national platform, " she says.

More tiresome for Nepram's team is, perhaps, handling detractors who, surprisingly, also hail from the same region. "I was shocked that instead of supporting us, some historians are actually decrying our work. Why do they then blame India (sic) for their problems when they themselves don't want any resolution?" she asks.
Some of her critics have even questioned the right of Nepram's team to undertake this exercise. "We are not historians, " she responds to her critics, adding, "we are only facilitating an exercise as a catalyst. "

Chandraprabha Saikiani: The Path Breaking Lady of Assam

 Original Source- http://pib.nic.in/feature/feyr2002/fmar2002/f200320021.html

Researcher- Hansa Rochlani

Chandraprabha Saikiani is a name which inspires manifold feelings - awe, reverence, wonder; a name which epitomises the sublime qualities of womanhood, of all that a woman is rarely capable of being. Hers is a household name in Assam, a woman who was a staunch believer of women’s emancipation and gender equality. She was the rebel fighting for the rights of the vulnerable and weaker sections of society, a feminist in the truest sense, advocating the rights of women in a predominantly man’s world.

    Born in the year 1901 to Gangapriya and Ratiram Mazumdar, the village headman of Doisingari village of undivided Kamrup district in Assam, Chandraprabha, born Chandrapriya, belonged to a large family. Her father encouraged her sister Rameshwari and Chandraprabha to go to school. The two sisters faced untold hardships while going to study at a boys’ school which was several miles away from their village. Seeing their deep interest in pursuing academics, Nila Kanta Barua, the school inspector arranged for scholarships for the two girls at the Nagaon Mission School along with boarding facilities for their higher education. Here not only did Chandraprabha engage herself in serious study, but also inspired her sister Rameshwari to do the same. Later on, her sister who came to be known as Rajaniprabha went on to become the first woman doctor of Assam. It was during her days at the Mission School that Chandraprabha revolted against the English hostel superintendent, a Miss Long, for discriminating between the Hindu and the Christian students, and making derogatory remarks about Indians. Her protest did not go in vain and Chandraprabha tasted success giving her the confidence in her subsequent fight against discrimination.

    After completing her education in Nagaon, Chandraprabha taught for sometime at a primary school in Nagaon before leaving for Tezpur where she was appointed as headmistress of Tezpur Girl’s M.E. School.

    It was in the historic town of Tezpur that Chandraprabha came into contact with such luminaries of Assam as Chandranath Sharma, Omeo Kumar Das, Jyotiprasad Agarwalla and Lakhidhar Sarma to name a few. She was inspired by their ideals and was greatly influenced by them.

    As a young girl of seventeen, Chandraprabha attended the Asom Chhatra Sammelan, the Students’ Conference held at Tezpur in 1918. She addressed the large gathering against the evil effects of opium addiction and demanded an immediate ban on it throughout the State. This was an unprecedented event as she was the only female speaker in the meeting.

    Chandraprabha had by now become associated with taking up social causes fighting injustice and oppression of women and denouncing untouchability, taking up cudgels against discrimination of all kinds.

    Inspired by Gandhiji’s clarion call to womenfolk to join the national movement, Chandraprabha joined the non-cooperation movement in 1921 and called upon women to do likewise.

    Chandraprabha’s revolutionary zeal came to the fore in 1925 during the Nagaon session of the Assam Sahitya Sabha. Held under the presidentship of the eminent novelist Rajanikanta Bordoloi, different speakers spoke about the need to educate women, but in sharp contrast to all that was being said, women were made to sit in a separate enclosure hidden from the public eye by a bamboo curtain. The sight so enraged Chandraprabha that she went up the dias and publicly denounced the segregation exhorting the women to emerge from behind the enclosure. Her spirited speech inspired those present and the women broke down the barriers which never came up again.

    Chandraprabha was deeply affected by the evils of caste system. The teachings of Srimanta Sankaradeva moved her. She advocated equality of all sections of people. It was through her endeavour that entry to the Hajo Hayagriv Madhav temple near Guwahati was thrown open to all including women.

    On the personal front, however, Chandraprabha had to undergo many sufferings, and she returned to her home village. She had become an unwed mother and faced ostracism. But she had the courage and conviction to hold on to what she thought was the right thing to do. This was the early part of the 20th century and society was still steeped in tradition and superstition. Driven by her convictions, she brought up her son as a single mother. That way she was far ahead of her time.

    Having left Tezpur, she joined a school at Kaljirapara near her home. She, however, resigned in 1926 when she was not granted leave to attend the Congress session at Guwahati. Directing her energies in organising the women in the village and bringing various women organisations throughout the State under one banner, the Assam Pradeshik Mahila Samiti was born in 1926 under her leadership. The Samiti spread out its roots throughout the State, championing issues like prevention of child marriage, women’s education and self-employment avenues including handloom and handicrafts. Today the Mahila Samiti in Assam is a mammoth organisation devoting itself to the ideals laid down by Chandraprabha Saikiani and it continues to grow from strength to strength.

    Side by side with her organisational work, Chandraprabha’s involvement with the national movement continued and she was jailed in 1930 for the first time. In the post- Independence period she became the first woman to have contested elections for the Legislative Assembly.

    Apart from being a freedom fighter and a social reformer, Chandraprabha Saikiani also found time for literary pursuits. She was a writer and a poet of repute. She edited the Mahila Samiti’s journal Abhijatri for seven years. Of the several novels written by her, only Pitribhita was published in 1937.

    Chandraprabha Saikiani breathed her last on March 16, 1972, the day she was born. For her selfless work and dedication she was honoured with Padmashree.

    To mark her birth centenary, various organisations throughout Assam are organising commemorative functions.

    The embodiment of women’s hope and aspirations, this firebrand lady of Assam is also being honoured by the Government of India this year with the release of a commemorative postage stamp. Chandraprabha is remembered not only for her undaunting courage but also her pioneering role in women’s emancipation at a time in Assam when the idea itself was unthinkable.

1925. The Nagaon session of the Asam Sahitya Sabha. The then president of the premiere literary body of the state stressed the need for the spread of women’s education. Ironically, a bamboo-net barrier segregated the women from the men present in the conference. Chandraprabha went up to the dais and denounced the practice. She called upon the women to break down the barrier that confined them--- the fences were broken down and it stays so, never to come up again. This fiery lady is Chandraprabha Saikiani, the pioneer feminist in the modern history of Assam.
Chandraprabha Saikiani was born on March 16, 1901 in Doisingari village of Kamrup district in Assam. Her father Ratiram Mazumdar was the gaonburha (headman) of the village. He had elementary education and urged his daughters to go for studies in the local MV school. Chandraprabha not only educated herself, but was equally concerned about the education of the girls in her surroundings. She was just thirteen when she established a girls’ school in Akaya village. She brought some girls under her fold and beneath a school with a thatched roof opened new vistas before them. It was in this shed of a school that, Neelakanta Barua, the then school inspector spotted Chandraprabha, the teenage teacher of the village school. He could see the spark and desire for education in Chandraprabha. She was awarded a scholarship to study in the Nagaon Mission School. Her younger sister Rajaniprabha accompanied her. Rajaniprabha too was entitled to a scholarship and later went on to become the first lady doctor of Assam.
The thought of how a largely illiterate rural society at the dawn of the last century steeped in highly conventional notions of womanhood could produce a woman like Chandraprabha, a woman who was far ahead of her time in her thoughts and actions is amazing. Chandraprabha became a harbinger of change in her surroundings and immediate society. She protested against the actions of the school authority in not allowing a student to stay in the hostel when she refused to convert to Christianity. Chandraprabha’s protested against this procedure of the school. Her protests compelled the authorities to change their decision and the girl had to be inducted into the hostel. On completing her education, Chandraprabha was working in Nagaon for a while. Then she was appointed the headmistress of Tezpur Girls’ ME school. Her life in Tezpur broadened her horizons as she came into the contact of illustrious personalities like Omeo Kumar Das, Chandra Nath Sarma, Jyotiprasad Agarwala to name a few.
In 1918, during the session of Asom Chhatra Sanmilan, Chandraprabha addressed a large gathering against the evil effects of opium eating and demanded an immediate ban on it throughout the state. This was an epoch making event in the history of women’s emancipation in Assam as it was for the first time that a woman spoke in a massive public meeting. At that time, Chandraprabha was seventeen years of age.
Chandraprabha was deeply affected by the evils of the caste system. The teachings of the medieval Vaishnava saint of Assam, Srimanta Sankardev inspired her to fight against the malpractice. She stood for the equality of all sections of people in the society. Her untiring efforts lead to the opening of the doors of the Hajo Hayagriva Madhav temple to one and all, irrespective of caste and creed.
Inspired by Gandhiji’s ideals, Chandraprabha joined the non-cooperation movement in 1921 and beckoned to the womenfolk to do the same. Chandraprabha turned her attention to organizing the women in the villages. Under her leadership, the Asam Pradeshik Mahila Samity was born in the year 1926. The organisation spread out its wings throughout the state, taking up issues of child marriage, spread of women’s education, self employment for women, and stress on handloom and handicraft. The mahila samiti, which is also the first organized women’s movement in Assam, stands firm till date and has grown into an institution in itself, devoting itself to the ideals laid down by Chandraprabha Saikiani. She edited the Mahila Samiti`s journal Abhijatri for seven years. She gave vent to her feelings through the many poems written by her and work of fiction. Her novel Pitribhita was published in 1937.
Chandraprabha Saikiani’s life is a legend in itself. The rebel in her found expressions in her personal life too. During her days in Tezpur, young Chandraprabha came across prolific writer Dandinath Kalita. He expressed his love for her and she reciprocated his feelings. But their sublime emotions had to surrender at the divisive dictats of the society. Her paramour Dandinath was of no match to Chandraprabha’s fearless spirit. He dared not challenge the age-old caste system to take Chandraprabha as his wife or as the mother of his yet unborn child, and married a girl in tune with the wishes of his family. This is enough for any average young woman to break down. And we can only imagine her misery under such circumstances in early 20th century, when the society looked down upon unwed mothers. But Chandraprabha rose to this challenge. She never lost heart and played the role of a single mother to perfection. She not only brought up her only son Atul Saikia with all maternal care single-handedly, but also imbibed in him noble qualities of head and heart. The same boy later grew up to be a man who made significant contribution to the Trade Union movement in Assam. At the age in which she lived, doing the things she did was far from possible, infact unthinkable. But Chandraprabha Saikiani did them all, and with great dignity, conviction and integrity.
In 1972, in view of her outstanding contribution towards the upliftment of women and selfless work for the betterment of society, Chandraprabha Saikiani was conferred the Padmashree. But she died a couple of days before the day the honour was ceremonially conferred on her, adding another odd to a life full of struggles. Chandraprabha Saikiani breathed her last on March 16, 1972 ; which is also the day she was born. In 2002, this firebrand lady of Assam is also being honoured by the Government of India this year with the release of a commemorative postage stamp. The former Girls’ Polytechnic Institute in Guwahati has been named after Padmashree Chandraprabha Saikiani. The Government of Assam has instituted an annual award in her honour for personalities with extraordinary contribution towards betterment of women and the society. Whatever recognition has come her way is far too inadequate for an iron lady like Chandraprabha Saikiani who changed the lives of hundreds and thousands of rural women. Her life is a story of which legends are made of. She is the pioneer of the feminist movement in Assam. Chandraprabha Saikiani’s name would go down the annals of history as one of role models of women emancipation in 20th century India.
Today, on her birth and death anniversary, we pay homage to this lesser known lady who stirred the lives of millions in the north-eastern corridors of our country.
- See more at: http://www.assamtimes.org/node/3631#sthash.ONGltRyf.dpuf

1925. The Nagaon session of the Asam Sahitya Sabha. The then president of the premiere literary body of the state stressed the need for the spread of women’s education. Ironically, a bamboo-net barrier segregated the women from the men present in the conference. Chandraprabha went up to the dais and denounced the practice. She called upon the women to break down the barrier that confined them--- the fences were broken down and it stays so, never to come up again. This fiery lady is Chandraprabha Saikiani, the pioneer feminist in the modern history of Assam.
Chandraprabha Saikiani was born on March 16, 1901 in Doisingari village of Kamrup district in Assam. Her father Ratiram Mazumdar was the gaonburha (headman) of the village. He had elementary education and urged his daughters to go for studies in the local MV school. Chandraprabha not only educated herself, but was equally concerned about the education of the girls in her surroundings. She was just thirteen when she established a girls’ school in Akaya village. She brought some girls under her fold and beneath a school with a thatched roof opened new vistas before them. It was in this shed of a school that, Neelakanta Barua, the then school inspector spotted Chandraprabha, the teenage teacher of the village school. He could see the spark and desire for education in Chandraprabha. She was awarded a scholarship to study in the Nagaon Mission School. Her younger sister Rajaniprabha accompanied her. Rajaniprabha too was entitled to a scholarship and later went on to become the first lady doctor of Assam.
The thought of how a largely illiterate rural society at the dawn of the last century steeped in highly conventional notions of womanhood could produce a woman like Chandraprabha, a woman who was far ahead of her time in her thoughts and actions is amazing. Chandraprabha became a harbinger of change in her surroundings and immediate society. She protested against the actions of the school authority in not allowing a student to stay in the hostel when she refused to convert to Christianity. Chandraprabha’s protested against this procedure of the school. Her protests compelled the authorities to change their decision and the girl had to be inducted into the hostel. On completing her education, Chandraprabha was working in Nagaon for a while. Then she was appointed the headmistress of Tezpur Girls’ ME school. Her life in Tezpur broadened her horizons as she came into the contact of illustrious personalities like Omeo Kumar Das, Chandra Nath Sarma, Jyotiprasad Agarwala to name a few.
In 1918, during the session of Asom Chhatra Sanmilan, Chandraprabha addressed a large gathering against the evil effects of opium eating and demanded an immediate ban on it throughout the state. This was an epoch making event in the history of women’s emancipation in Assam as it was for the first time that a woman spoke in a massive public meeting. At that time, Chandraprabha was seventeen years of age.
Chandraprabha was deeply affected by the evils of the caste system. The teachings of the medieval Vaishnava saint of Assam, Srimanta Sankardev inspired her to fight against the malpractice. She stood for the equality of all sections of people in the society. Her untiring efforts lead to the opening of the doors of the Hajo Hayagriva Madhav temple to one and all, irrespective of caste and creed.
Inspired by Gandhiji’s ideals, Chandraprabha joined the non-cooperation movement in 1921 and beckoned to the womenfolk to do the same. Chandraprabha turned her attention to organizing the women in the villages. Under her leadership, the Asam Pradeshik Mahila Samity was born in the year 1926. The organisation spread out its wings throughout the state, taking up issues of child marriage, spread of women’s education, self employment for women, and stress on handloom and handicraft. The mahila samiti, which is also the first organized women’s movement in Assam, stands firm till date and has grown into an institution in itself, devoting itself to the ideals laid down by Chandraprabha Saikiani. She edited the Mahila Samiti`s journal Abhijatri for seven years. She gave vent to her feelings through the many poems written by her and work of fiction. Her novel Pitribhita was published in 1937.
Chandraprabha Saikiani’s life is a legend in itself. The rebel in her found expressions in her personal life too. During her days in Tezpur, young Chandraprabha came across prolific writer Dandinath Kalita. He expressed his love for her and she reciprocated his feelings. But their sublime emotions had to surrender at the divisive dictats of the society. Her paramour Dandinath was of no match to Chandraprabha’s fearless spirit. He dared not challenge the age-old caste system to take Chandraprabha as his wife or as the mother of his yet unborn child, and married a girl in tune with the wishes of his family. This is enough for any average young woman to break down. And we can only imagine her misery under such circumstances in early 20th century, when the society looked down upon unwed mothers. But Chandraprabha rose to this challenge. She never lost heart and played the role of a single mother to perfection. She not only brought up her only son Atul Saikia with all maternal care single-handedly, but also imbibed in him noble qualities of head and heart. The same boy later grew up to be a man who made significant contribution to the Trade Union movement in Assam. At the age in which she lived, doing the things she did was far from possible, infact unthinkable. But Chandraprabha Saikiani did them all, and with great dignity, conviction and integrity.
In 1972, in view of her outstanding contribution towards the upliftment of women and selfless work for the betterment of society, Chandraprabha Saikiani was conferred the Padmashree. But she died a couple of days before the day the honour was ceremonially conferred on her, adding another odd to a life full of struggles. Chandraprabha Saikiani breathed her last on March 16, 1972 ; which is also the day she was born. In 2002, this firebrand lady of Assam is also being honoured by the Government of India this year with the release of a commemorative postage stamp. The former Girls’ Polytechnic Institute in Guwahati has been named after Padmashree Chandraprabha Saikiani. The Government of Assam has instituted an annual award in her honour for personalities with extraordinary contribution towards betterment of women and the society. Whatever recognition has come her way is far too inadequate for an iron lady like Chandraprabha Saikiani who changed the lives of hundreds and thousands of rural women. Her life is a story of which legends are made of. She is the pioneer of the feminist movement in Assam. Chandraprabha Saikiani’s name would go down the annals of history as one of role models of women emancipation in 20th century India.
Today, on her birth and death anniversary, we pay homage to this lesser known lady who stirred the lives of millions in the north-eastern corridors of our country.
- See more at: http://www.assamtimes.org/node/3631#sthash.ONGltRyf.dpuf

Ramani Devi- An Icon

Original Source- http://www.zoominfo.com/p/Ramani-Devi/1216522893


Researcher- Hansa Rochlani

Ramani is one of the most well-known faces that represent Manipuri women today.
One of the icons of the strength, valour and never-say-die spirit of Manipuri womanhood, she is one of the leading figures behind the Meira Paibi movements in the state, and one of the women striving for a violence-free Manipur.

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Ngaithem Ningol Thokchom ongbi Ramani Devi was born at Loklaobung in Imphal west district.About five or six months after her birth, her father Bapu, a teacher by profession, shifted to Mao and started teaching there.After a while he took a new wife and settled there. For sometime, Ramani and her mother Chaobiyaima, a housewife, stayed with her paternal grandmother, but soon it became a hard survival and they had to part ways.Her grandmother shifted to Lamabam Leikai, while Ramani and her mother went back to her mother's maternal house own house at Singjamei Thongam Leikai. Ramani had her initial education at the Government LP School at Thongam Leikai.When she was about six or seven years and enrolled in Class III, the Second World War, known locally as Japan War broke out. Ramani and her family sought refuge in Thoubal and she had to leave school.When things calmed down a bit, they came back, but had to flee again, this time to Wangoi, when the aerial bombings started anew. Ramani was seventeen years when she was given in marriage to a band player in Thongam Leikai, the same locality.After the birth of her first daughter, he got a job as a compounder, earning around Rs 50 per month, a big sum at that time.They have six children - three daughters and three sons. When her husband brought home a new wife after the birth of her fourth child, Ramani engaged herself in the silver jewellery business - getting together her children and some other people in the locality to make the silver chains, bangles, etc and then selling them to vendors in the market. Around the mid-seventies, Ramani started involving herself in the nisha bandh movement along with prominent women leaders like the late Momon, late Chaobi, Indramani, and Taruni.She was also one of the leading members in the newly formed women's body, All Manipur Social Development and Reformation Samaj, which has as its main objectives checking alcoholism, selling alcohol, gambling, etc in the state. On 29th December, 1980, an incident which occurred in her own leikai took Ramani further into the women's social movement in the state.

...

However this time the incident happened in the locality where Ramani, then publicity secretary for the Reformation Samaj lived.Quickly she informed her co-activist Momon about the incident in her locality and the two decided to do something for the innocents. Changing into old clothes so that she takes the guise of a local woman, Ramani and Momon went around and gathered the womenfolk.

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Ramani is also well versed in khubak eshei and dance forms of Ras Leela and Sansenba.

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Ramani often sleeps over at the office, I go only when there is a major event.Back home too, my daughter-in-laws has joined the meira vigil.I rest."

Mountains, Meat and Matriarchs- North East India's Markets

Original Source: http://www.footprinttravelguides.com/asia/india/india-features/northeast-indiaas-matriarchal-markets/

Researcher : Avantika Lal

Travelling around India’s Northeast Hill States is always astonishing. Culturally as well as geographically, it’s a world away from the rest of the subcontinent – a region of distinctive and age-old tribal cultures, in essence more like Burma or Bhutan. Many tribes are Christian, others practise Buddhism, and several follow the Sun-and-Moon religion of their ancestors. 
Youth in Nagaland’s capital Kohima might look to Korea for their fashion and cultural direction, but in Arunachal Pradesh many Aptani tribeswomen still have tattooed faces and wear bamboo nose-plugs. In Mizoram and Manipur women take a leading economic role, and Meghalaya’s three tribes are all matrilineal, passing down wealth and property through the female line. 
But it’s not just in matters of faith and culture that this region stands out – the diet of the Northeast states is also dramatically different to the rest of India. Meat is a staple (sometimes meat of a rather bizarre kind) and people are basically non-vegetarian. Herbs, vegetables and roots unique to the region are added to dishes, while fermented beanshoots, soyabeans and fish make some foods an acquired taste. This profusion of unusual ingredients is of course reflected in the region’s famed markets. A glimpse in the ‘Burra Bazar’ of any city is to be confronted with heaps of unrecognisable vegetables, piles  of curious looking spices and clouded jars of nameless liquids.
Here follows a guide to some of the best markets the Northeast Hill States have to offer those who dare.
 

In Mizoram, it seems as though everyone chain-smokes and chews khuva (betel) – both men and women. Here, more than anywhere India, there is a sense of equality between the sexes. This is reflected in the immense Bara Bazar, down one of Aizawl’s agonisingly steep streets. It’s mainly women who gather at the New Market, often wearing traditional clothes, to sell produce from their farms and homesteads. The dingy multi-levelled complex is friendly and fascinating, with unknown vegetables, piles of textiles, and heaps of tobacco leaves in an endless array. Small eateries on the fourth floor provide the chance to dabble in local cuisine, while active Zion Street outside is lined with stalls selling Mizo CDs.
In Nagaland, it seems any meat can make a meal, and the rather gruesome markets reflect this. It’s not just pork and beef on the menu, but snails, worms and snakes. Stemming from their warrior past, the Nagas are keen hunters of wild animals and nothing is left to waste. At the Wednesday market in Dimapur, steal yourself for the bodies of butchered dogs. Nor is it uncommon to turn a corner in a Naga village to find someone singeing the fur off a dog with a blowtorch. Bags of frogs and miniature crabs are popular in Kohima’s market, but should this not be to your taste there’s a fruit-and-veg section to browse through as well.

Always maintaining independence from surrounding tribal areas, thisprincely state was finally subdued by the British in 1891. Manipuris were renowned as fierce warriors and their womenfolk were feisty too, staging a social revolt in 1939 against monopolistic traders. This legacy lives on today in the Khwairamband Bazar, or Ima Market, in Manipur’s capital Imphal. The largest women’s bazar in India – some say in Asia – up to 3000 women gather here every day to sell fish, vegetables, pickles, orange honey and all other foodstuffs. Also for sale are excellent regional handicrafts and handloom goods. Don’t haggle too hard – first price given is about 20% above the final cost and the ladies are not too cut-throat. All over Manipur, older women and grandmothers run the markets, allowing younger mothers to stay at home to look after children.

The extraordinary Eighth Day Market (Ka Iewbah Sohrarim) in Cherrapunji is worth timing a visit to this “Scotland of the East” around. Also known locally as “Sohra”, Cherra Bazar is a stronghold of the Khasi tribe whose womenfolk wear a checked-gingham apron tied over one shoulder. If it’s chilly, both sexes wrap up in a plaid blanket – the Welsh were active missionaries here and left more than just Christianity behind. As the Khasi all chew vast quantities of kwai , betel nut is one of the main goods for sale, and in the winter season look for the local orange flower honey. Numerous tiny food stalls serve up Khasi food such as jadoh (red rice and pork). There is also a smaller market every fourth day, but the real crowds descend every eight days.

Meira Paibis: Women Torch Bearers on the March in Manipur

Original Source: http://www.mainstreamweekly.net/article2533.html

Researcher : Hansa Rochlani

One can trace back the history of today’s Miera Paibis to the days of the Nupi Lan or women’s war in 1904 and 1939. Beginning as a protest against price rise, the demand extended over to administrative reforms against the oppressive economic and administrative policies ruled by the Manipur Maharaja and the Political Agent—Mr Gimson—of the British Government. Women’s role in public sphere is not new to Manipur. Meitei women have enjoyed a significant space outside household spheres. Traces of this can be found from the existence of certain institutions or systems that have pushed the women to take part in family economy and one such institution was Lallup-Kaba. This is some kind of forced labour which prevailed in Manipur in the 1800s. This institution has a very ancient origin in Manipur. The general system of Lallup was based on the assumption that every male between the age of 17 and 60 must place his services at the disposal of the state, without remuneration, for a certain number of days. The male of the family remained out of the house for a long period and women were compelled to get into buying and selling for maintenance of the family. Consequently, a section of the trade came under the hands of women in the form of Women’s Market today known as Ima Keithel or Ima Market.

The British administered the state of Manipur directly from 1891 till 1907 after they defeated Manipur in 1891 (Lokendra 1998). The Maharaja signed the Merger Agreement with India on September 21, 1949. Even today the circumstances under which the former princely state merged into India are contentious. (S. S. Hanjabam, 2007) Since the merger of Manipur, there have been numerous democratic movements in Manipur wherein the Meitei women have been a significant part. Historically speaking, the Meira Paibis were preceded by the Nisha Bandis who came into force in the 1970s. During that time, Manipur was flooded with drugs, narcotics, alcohol as a result of which young boys and men succumbed to addiction. This gave rise to numerous crimes, public disorder, wife-beating and other forms of gendered violence. Traditionally having a role in controlling the social ills of the society, Meitei women took upon themselves the responsibility to control the rising disorder in the society. Ordinary women started forming groups and doing night vigils/ patrols in their respective leikais (locality) to prevent the drunken men from creating menace. If found drunk, the man would be beaten by a mob of women and publicly humiliated. Consequently, these women’s groups started seizing locally brewed liquor from the distributors and doing mass scale destruction publicly. They were thus called the “Nisha Bandis”. The efforts of the Nisha Bandis resulted in Manipur being declared a dry State. But the reality is that even after a long struggle to prohibit alcohol which found resonance in Morarji Desai’s interest in the 1970s, alcohol is still very much a part of Manipuri society. Moving on further, in the third week of May 1980, two CRPF jawans were killed in their camp on a hillock by the PREPAK soldiers in Langjing (a village in west Imphal with 1000-2000 population). In retaliation, the CRPF jawans came down to the village and started a combing operation. People were pulled out from their houses and search was conducted to nab down the PREPAK soldiers. Men were made to stand with their hands up for the whole day and in the scuffle a woman was killed. The AFSPA was unknown to the people of valley. In order to tackle the situation, Manipur was declared a disturbed area and the Armed Forces [Special Powers] Act (AFSPA) 1958, was imposed in September 1980 which legitimised full-scale military operations, permitting even a non- commissioned officer to kill anyone on mere suspicion with guaranteed immunity. In December 1980 Ibom Shah from Hairangoithong Maibam Leikai was captured by the Army as a suspected insurgent. The Nisha Bandis at night used firewood on bamboo sticks as torches to march to the police station and get Ibom Shah released. This march of the Nisha Bandis with torches turned them into the Meira Paibis or Women Torch-bearers. The group of women, who fought for the release of Ibom Shah, formed an organisation called the All Manipur Women’s Reformation and Development Samaj in 1980 led by Ima Chobi.
Another incident occurred in 1980 simul-taneously where a group of protestors against the AFSPA were put into a police truck and taken away. A pregnant woman fell from the truck and died. A women’s group protesting against this with bamboo torches formed an organisation called the Poirei Leimaro led by Ima Konbi.
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TODAY, the Meira Paibis are much more organised than before. The Meira Paibis can be divided into three groups at the State level, district level and leikai level. Every leikai in Imphal, Thoubal and Bishnupur districts has a women’s collective called the Meira Paibis. A formal body exists comprising of a president, secretary, treasurer and advisor. Every woman who is a Meitei is a Meira Paibi in a crisis situation. Communication and mobilisation is well developed among the Meira Paibis. During combing operations, when any one Meira Paibi got to know that the army is coming to their leikai, she used to beat the electric post with a stone. On listening to the sound, all women would come out of their houses and form a human shield not letting the Army get into their house for search. The Army, after implementation of the AFSPA in 1980 in the Manipur valley, assumed extraordinary powers to suppress the basic civil rights of the people. Young men were randomly picked up, women were raped and numerous people were killed on suspicion of being insurgents. The cases of Manorama, Sanjeet and Rabina are still fresh in everybody’s mind.
Currently there are four State level Meira Paibi organisations. There is a debate about which is the oldest one, but most people consider the All Manipur Women’s Reformation and Development Samaj (also known as Nupi Samaj) as the oldest State level Meira Paibi group followed by the Poirei Leimaro. Recently two more State level groups have emerged, namely the Kanglamei founded by Ima Leirik and the Meekhol founded by Ima Janaki. Ideologically, the Nupi Samaj is supported by UCM (United Committee of Manipur) and the Poirei Leimaro by the AMUCO (All Manipur United Clubs Organisation). The President of each State level group is selected by an understanding and consensus. Usually the President is a woman who is strong, brave, experienced in politics, a seasoned activist and has no fear. The structure of the Meira Paibis is loose and strong at the same time. They don’t have any fixed office in every leikai nor do they meet to discuss issues every day. Only when there is a crises situation do these women gather as Meira Paibis. The issues taken up at leikai level range from neighborhood fights, theft, threat from UG for extortion, elopement, extra-marital affair, desertion of women to combing operations done by the Army. The leikai level groups also join the State level groups (whoever they are affiliated to) in order to carry out a protest rally or a dharna. Interestingly the leikai level organisation did not happen on its own but was initiated by the State level Meira Paibi organisations. There are many Meira Paibi groups which are not registered and function on their own.
Politically the women at the forefront of the Meira Paibis today have clear notions about who they are. Conversations with Ima Taruni, Ima Gyneshwari, Ima Nagabi and many more revealed that they all stand for the territorial integrity of Manipur in the wake of the current political tension over the ADC elections in May-June 2010 and Th Muivah’s (leader of the NSCN-IM) visit to his home village Somdal in Ukhrul district of Manipur. Imphal city was flooded with dharnas, rallies by the Meira Paibi groups asking Muivah to not enter Manipur. The tension escalated when the Central Government gave permission to Muviah to visit his home town and the Manipur Government opposed this decision as they anticipated ethnic clashes. The Manipur Government saw Muivah’s visit with a hidden agenda of mobilising the Nagas of the State on the demand of ‘Greater Nagaland’, which is a threat to the integrity of Manipur.
Every other day I was able to witness women sitting in groups of 50 to 500 sitting in the middle of the Bazaar and protesting against Muivah. These women wore pinkish orange Sarong with a white drape and squatted under the vegetable shed from 10 am to 5 pm. On the day of the dharna the women would not sell anything. The Meira Paibis from each leikai would engage in dharna at least once either alone or along with nearby leikais.
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APART from joining protests, the Meira Paibis played other roles also. From April 11, 2010 Manipur’s national highway 39 was blocked by the Naga groups, All Naga Students Association, Manipur (ANSAM) and United Naga Council (UNC), protesting against the Autonomous District Council elections conducted by the Manipur Government after 20 years. The 1971 ADC Act was amended in 2008; according to this the traditional powers of the tribal chief would be transferred to the elected district council of tribal leaders. The bone of contention was over section 29 (i), section 29(xiv), section 29(2) (a), section 2 (b) of the amended Act which take away and threaten the tribal community’s rights over ownership of resources and land. The economic blockade, thus called to protest against the elections, led to escalation of prices of essential commodities like rice, medicines and petrol. The pinch of this was felt both by the valley and hill people which increased when the national highway 53 was blocked by the Zeliangrong Students’ Union (ZSU) in order to intensify the protest.
The Manipur Government saw the blockade and timing of Th Muivah’s entry as part of a bigger game-plan and decided to block his entry at Mao gate of Senapati district in Manipur from May 3, 2010. Heavy battalions of Assam Rifles, Manipur Commandos, Manipur Police were deployed blocking the highway 39 on the Manipur side which connects Manipur with Nagaland. The Nagas of Mao gate started non-violent welcome rallies to welcome their leaders and protesting the heavy deployment of the Army. The situation turned violent when two students were shot by the Manipur Police; they were part of the rally on June 6, 2010.
In all of this the Meira Paibis have played a very crucial role to protect their community’s rights over the issue of territorial integrity. Instances from Bishnupur district revealed that the Meira Paibis used to go to the market and convince the shop owners not to inflate the prices of essential commodities. They would also not let tribes coming from the nearby mountains of Tamenglong take huge quantities of rice and oil with them.
The Meira Paibis are also part of the apex bodies of the United Committee of Manipur (UCM) and All Manipur United Clubs Organi-sation (AMUCO) which are the apex bodies of the Meities and therefore cannot be identified as mere neutral groups of women who have no political agenda. When I speak of politics here, I am not restricting myself to merely electoral politics but to the strategies and actions under-taken by the Meira Paibis to determine the political economy of the Manipur State along with other socio-political groups. I see them playing a very interesting role at various times. Being flexible and not having a rigid structure they are able to take up any issue which pertains to the community. This also makes the Meira Paibis not a group confined to agitating on strictly women’s issues.
A closer look at the kind of issues the Meira Paibis have actively fought for shows that those are the ones having adverse effect on the larger Meitei community. The Meira Paibis have hardly taken up the gender issue per se. But they do intervene in marital and family disputes which many a time are not favourable to the woman. Beginning from the 1980s, when the Nisha Bandis transformed into Meira Paibis, one can see a huge shift in their mode of engagement in the public sphere. They are increasingly seen in the forefront of political mobilisation and have been visible in all public spaces expressing their stand effectively. The Meira Paibis, who have been known to stand for non-violence, have in the current political turmoil of the Manipur State found themselves with Meitei groups and the Ibobi Government justifying the heavy deployment of armed forces in Mao gate region to crush the Naga supporters welcoming Th Muviah.
One can thus see the evolution the Meira Paibis have undergone. They have very successfully created a space for women to come out in public. The Meira Paibis are also becoming more and more organised and not merely voicing their spontaneous reaction to injustice. Currently the Meira Paibis are hands in glove with the government and Meitei civil society to re-inforce the hegemony the Meiteis have been enjoying over the political space in Manipur over the smaller communities. It is particularly painful to observe that despite having the potential to defuse the tension emanating from the violence meted out to the Naga communities in Senapati and Ukhrul districts, the Meira Paibis remained silent. Thus has surfaced the need to introspect the important political space the Meira Paibis have created through their selfless struggle and collective action; this is getting captured by the forces of Meitei chauvinism to direct the future of Manipur’s political economy.
REFERENCES
1. Parratt, Saroj N. Arambam and Parratt John, “The Second ‘Women’s War’ and the Emergence of Democratic Government in Manipur”, Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 35, No. 4 (October 2001).
2. Phanjoubam, Pradip, “The Homeland and the State: The Meiteis and the Nagas in Manipur”, Economic & Political Weekly, June 26, 2010, vol xlv, nos 26 and 27.
3. Thockchom Nandini, Meira Paibi: Women’s Movement in Meitei Society.
4. www.thesangaiexpress.com
5. www.morungexpress.com
6. www.imphalfreepress.com
7. Field notes collected during data collection between April 28, 2010 and June
8. 2010.

Rethinking Women Power in Manipur

Original Source: http://e-pao.net/epSubPageExtractor.asp?src=news_section.opinions.Rethinking_Women_Power_in_Manipur


Manipur has witnessed the successful role of collective women's power in the past and also in the present day. This is something, which we can celebrate. However despite their major contributions in the socio-economic and political life of the state, they are not given their due position in society. Thus there is a mismatch between women's role and status. This is indeed a matter of great concern, which we all need to ponder over.

Manipuri women's role in the socio-economic and cultural life of Manipur is significant. Manipuri women do not stay behind the veil. They also do all the buying and selling of goods in the market. Women dominate the markets in the rural and urban areas. Their unique role in the market will be known if one visits Khwairamband Bazar at the heart of Imphal. They are greatly involved in the agricultural related activities. They are artistic and creative which they prove in the field of handloom and handicrafts and dance. Their dominance in the field of sports not only in the national level but also in the international level is remarkable. One significant observation that we find today in Manipur is the rise in the number of women entrepreneurs and women self help groups. The numbers of workingwomen in different sectors are increasing.

Manipuri women have always played a very vital and active role in social movements. The role of women in these movements can be traced back to the pre British Period when Manipur was under monarchial system. But women's social movements emerged in an organized manner from the early part of the 20th century. One was in 1904, which was popularly known as the first Nupilan (women's agitation). It was against the unjust British administration. Because of their high spirit struggle, many administrative reforms were then made, and women leaders emerged in Manipuri's traditionally male-dominated sphere of business, trade and commerce. The second was the Nupilan of 1939. It was a spontaneous eruption of the suppressed energy of the exploited people. The main cause of the movement was directly related to the irregularities and malpractices in the administration of the state and the economic exploitation by the authority. In the agitation some of the women leaders and along with their sympathisers were sent to jail. All the womenfolk expressed their deep concern over the matter. They stopped business in the market and the Khwairamband Bazar remained devastated for three years. Ultimately they succeeded in bringing reforms in administration. The outbreak of women agitation was a turning point in the emergence of new trend of political and national consciousness in the state.

Meirapaibi (torch bearer) movement is a new women's movement in Manipur. It exemplifies another collective women's power in Manipur. It began in the 1980s and is still gaining momentum. The womenfolk to save people from the clutches of liquor and drugs launched the movement. This movement has become a major struggle for human rights. The role of the Meirapaibi is gaining ground due to the rapid increased in the human rights violation and other social problems like HIV/AIDS. As one of the important social institutions, Meirapaibi group has got the potential to become a very significant instrument of progressive social transformation.

Marup or cooperative movement is another movement spearheaded by women for generating income. From the early days the Manipuri society has inbuilt system of socio-economic cooperation known as Marup which continues till now successfully throughout the state. Marup, a type of self help group, is a group or association of individual with common economic needs who undertake an economic activity by participating directly in decision making and sharing the benefits on an equitable basis. It strengthens the existing income generating activity of members and also helps the members to start a new activity of members. This not only makes them economically independent but also helps their families with their financial contributions. It also acts as the financial intermediaries. The members are engaged in both service and production activities. Some of the main incomes generating activities of the groups are - Agarbati making, Papad making, Doll-making, Handloom/Handicrafts, preparation of different sweet items, fruit and vegetable preservation etc. The Marups (cooperatives) are the best vehicles for empowerment of women in Manipur. They are the major force for the economic development of the state. Another important sphere, which is in the limelight, is the political participation of women. The level of Manipuri women's political participation is not quite up to the mark. However their participation in the local self-government is a positive signal for the success of democracy at the grass root level. This will bring a major thrust in the process of rural development and women empowerment.

Manipur women have thus contributed immensely in the socio-economic transformation and upliftment of the society. The above glaring instances of collective women's power in Manipur - Nupilan, Meirapaibi and Marup movements will surely make a reader believe, that womenfolk in Manipur are accorded high status. But unfortunately the reality is somewhat the other way round. The society is still in the womb of the patriarchal system. Women have no much say in the decision making process. Their representations both in the secondary and tertiary sectors are quite minimal. The preference of male child is still prevalent. There are certain rituals where women's involvements are considered profane and restricted their participation. Women produce children; they are mothers and wives; they do the cooking, mending, sewing and washing; they take care of men and are subordinate to male authority; they are largely excluded from high status occupations and from positions of power. In terms of the reward of prestige, wealth and power attached to gender role, women almost invariably come off worst. According to the 2001 census, Manipur has a total population of 2,388,634. Out of these the numbers of males and females are 1,207,388 and 1,181,296 respectively. The literacy rate of the state is 68.87 %. For males the literacy rate is 77.87 % while for females it is 59.70 %. Thus there is a gap of 18.17 % in the male-female literacy rate, which clearly indicates the prejudices of the society towards the female child. It is also worth noting that 40.30 % of the female populations are illiterate. Here, education is crucial because it is said that if you educate a man, you educate an individual whereas if you educate a woman you are educating the entire family. One interesting fact is that the sex ratio of Manipur is much above many other Indian states. It is 978 as compared to all India ratios of 933. Though the cases of dowry deaths, rape and molestation are not so high in Manipur, there are incidents of eve-teasing and domestic violence which are symptomatic of a larger malaise where Manipuri women are not given due position in society.

There is a need to change the attitude of the society in general and men in particular. It is high time that we respect and reflect on the contributions of women not only in the socio-economic sphere but also in the fields of cultural, political and sports. Women of Manipur deserve a higher status, for the development of any society the status of women is a key factor determining progress.

Binalakshmi Neparam: Helping Gun Widows in Manipur remake their lives

Original Source:  http://www.thebetterindia.com/6424/tbi-heroes-binalakshmi-nepram-helping-gun-widows-in-manipur-remake-their-lives/



Researcher- Avantika Lal




Sometimes all it takes is one incident to transform one from being a mere spectator to a participant in change. For Binalakshmi Nepram, that moment came on a gloomy Christmas eve of 2004 in a village near Imphal, the capital of Manipur. As an academic researcher she was talking to a group of women activists, when gun shots shattered the peace. In the flash of a second, one of the women in that meeting – Rebika Akham, 24 – had become a widow.
Nepram recounts what happened, “We were at Wabgai. The gun shots sounded less than a kilometre away, leading to the death of a 27-year-old man.” The victim, Buddhi Moiranthem, had been dragged out of his car battery workshop by three assailants and shot at point blank range. To date, his wife and family have no clue about who his killers were, or what their motive was.
“Rebika, all of 24, stood with us, shell-shocked. Amid the crying, I remember her mother’s helpless words, ‘Now how will I feed you?’ That was the turning point of my life,” says Nepram. It was then that she decided to set up a support system for women left isolated because of the violence around them.

Binalakshmi Nepram, the woman behind the Manipur Women Gun Survivors Network, a unique intervention that helps women, who have lost their fathers, husbands and sons to gun violence, get back on their feet. (Credit: Azera Rahman\WFS)

Growing up in Manipur – a state that shares borders with Myanmar, as well as with the other north eastern states of Nagaland, Assam and Mizoram – which is possibly one of India’s most conflict-ridden regions, Nepram understood even as a child that life was uncertain given that armed violence was a regular occurrence. “My parents tell me that even on the day I was born, there was a conflict raging and my father had to scramble for the medicines that my mother had needed. Violence cast its shadows on our very minds,” she says.
When she joined the Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) in Delhi in 1997, she shared some of the realities of the region with friends and classmates, who often could not comprehend the extent of violence that marked everyday life in Manipur. “They could not believe it when I told them that people could actually disappear and not be seen alive again,” remarks Nepram. In JNU, Nepram began systematically researching into the situation, often travelling in the state to collect primary data. But despite her research, she was unprepared for those gun shots that rang out in 1994, changing a young wife into a widow in an instant.
Soon after that killing, Nepram collected Rs 4,500 to buy a sewing machine for Rebika Akham, so that she could earn an independent income and stitch together the pieces of her life again. With that the Manipur Women Gun Survivors Network also came into being. Nepram points out,
I realised there is no point in doing endless research if there was to be no intervention. There are so many young women, just in their twenties, who have been widowed overnight. Children have lost their fathers; mothers, their sons. These women needed help to start their life afresh.
She also realised that monetary relief was, at best, temporary relief and that soft loans were perhaps more appropriate. The Network then took on the role of providing small loans to women victims and helped them open their own bank accounts.
The lives of many women were turned around in the process. Take the case of Huidrom Tanya Devi, 18. Her father’s untimely death 10 years ago shattered her young life. A karate instructor, he was gunned down by the armed forces in 2001. The young girl still asks in a haunted voice, “Even today I don’t know the reason for my father’s death. I ask everyone, what crime did he commit to meet such an end?”

The Network gave her mother, Huidrom Geeta Devi a loan of Rs 3,000 in 2007 with which Tanya was able to start a small business. As the months rolled by, her confidence as an entrepreneur grew. This April, she became the proud owner of a shop that sells embroidered dress materials, incense sticks and household goods. Two other women have similarly set up their own shops with the Network’s help.
Mumtaz, another victim, whose husband, a lecturer by profession, was killed in gun violence in 2009, was in a similar distress. With five children to look after, she couldn’t be more grateful when the Network extended her a loan of Rs 8,000 to run her business.
Her success as an entrepreneur has whetted Mumtaz’s interest in public life. She now wants to contest the local panchayat elections in order to help bring change in her village in the Thoubal district of Manipur. She also links up affected women like her to the Network and is, in the process, contributing to the expansion of an initiative that had started small with 25 women survivors of gun violence and today reaches out to over a thousand.

Women of the network at a meeting, holding photographs of the sons and husbands they have lost in gun violence in Manipur. (Credit: Azera Rahman\WFS)

The first of its kind in South Asia, the Network has 150 are active members, most of whom had been victims themselves. The assistance they render is multi-pronged. The immediate need of women who have been bereaved is a support system – some regular source of food, the continuation of their children’s education, and the like. Then comes the need for a sustainable income. Loans are provided to address this requirement, with the money put to use in setting up a small vegetable vending enterprise or acquiring a loom to weave cloth.
The Network also provides legal assistance to the women to fight their cases for justice and compensation since they themselves are most often too poor to afford lawyers. Medical assistance is provided to take care of the health needs of the affected women. The Network does this by entering into arrangements with doctors who are willing to provide free check-ups or dental care.
In order to function smoothly, meetings are held every two months in an informal setting – like the courtyard of a member’s house – to discuss individual problems as well as general issues, like the treatment accorded to widows in society. Nepram comments,
In many parts of India, when a woman who has lost her husband wears bright clothes or takes up employment outside the home, eyebrows are raised, questions asked, and motives ascribed. This is simply unfair – it is only right that women in such circumstances try and reclaim their lives. Girls, as young as 21, are widowed in an instant. Surely they have the right to live a normal life?
The Network meetings are not just to discuss problems, but are also meant as a time of togetherness over tea and snacks. The idea is to reach out and explore ways to address common problems. “We can only reach a limited number of women. If the government wants, it can connect with lakhs of them, but that would need political will,” observes Nepram. She emphasises that the Network is apolitical. In any case, politicians generally stay away from such interventions. Not only has no Member of Parliament come forward to be associated with the work the Network is doing, ministers in Manipur have actually mocked its efforts. But for Nepram this only points to the great lack of sensitisation among politicians to the gender dimensions of violence.
The lack of political response has not, however, discouraged the women members of this unusual Network. Right now, they are busy studying government schemes for women and children and searching for ways in which they can benefit from them.