Presence of military does not contribute to insecurity of women and girls in former conflict zone, Sri Lanka says

Original Source: http://www.colombopage.com/archive_14A/Apr26_1398527610CH.php

Sri Lanka rejected the inference made by certain organizations and reports that the presence of military contributed to the insecurity of women and girls in the former conflict-affected areas.

Speaking at the United Nations Security Council debate on Conflict-Related sexual Violence Friday (April 25), the Deputy Permanent Representative to the UN in New York, Ambassador Shavendra Silva said that certain organizations are involved in propagating false reports of sexual violence against the Sri Lankan military.

The UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon in his annual report on the issue submitted to the UN Security Council Thursday noted continued vulnerability of women and children in areas formerly affected by conflict, partly due to the continued militarization in those areas.

The UN Chief citing the UN resolution A/HRC/25/33 said during 2013, women and girls, especially in female-headed households, continued to be vulnerable to sexual harassment and abuse, including at the hands of military personnel.

Giving details the envoy explained that during the conflict period from January 2007 to May 2009, seven Security Forces personnel had been reported as having been involved in five incidents of sexual violence in the Northern Province and in the post-conflict period up until May 2012, 10 Security Forces personnel had been reported as having been involved in six incidents.

The involvement of those personnel as a percentage of the total population accused stood at 5.6 percent in the conflict period and 3.3 percent in the post-conflict period.

The Secretary General however has noted in his report that the Sri Lankan government has reported that the military has taken strict action in such cases.

In a majority of the cases, the perpetrators had been close relatives or neighbors of the victims, Ambassador Silva noted.

He explained that accusations, often with disturbing details have been made for example, in a recent report by human rights lawyer Yasmin Sooka, without providing sufficient details such as a time and place and the identification of victims, to enable investigations and prosecutions.

He said the accusations are then repeated in other publications of different organizations, thereby contributing to forming an opinion which is propagated without evidence.

According to Ambassador Silva, none of these allegations have been substantiated by verifiable data in any of these documents.

"Significantly, no credible evidence has been directly brought to the attention of Government authorities by any of these parties. The Government has not been provided the evidence which is claimed to be in the possession of the authors of these reports in order to investigate and respond," he added.

Therefore, he rejected the inferences made by certain organizations and reports that the presence of military contributed to the insecurity of women and girls in the former conflict-affected areas.

Women Leading in Post Conflict Nations: Peacebuilding and Development at the Embassy of Sri Lanka

Original Source: http://www.diplomaticourier.com/news/diplomatic-life/1826-women-leading-in-post-conflict-nations-peacebuilding-development-at-the-embassy-of-sri-lanka

On a Tuesday evening in mid-July, the Embassy of Sri Lanka in Washington, DC opened its doors to celebrate 51 female leaders from the Wilson Center’s Women in Public Service Project Institute at Bryn Mawr College, a program co-sponsored by the U.S. Department of State to advance the leadership capacities of women in post-conflict countries. Among the women in attendance were journalists, high court judges, social workers, mentors, civil society activists, and members of parliament who were accepted to the Institute as a result of their work to further facilitate the process of peace in their communities.

Earlier in the day, the delegates attended a two-part panel in their honor at the Wilson Center for International Scholars moderated by Dr. Rangita De Silva de Alwis, director of the Women in Public Service Project. Among the panelists were Dr. Elaine Kamarck of the Brookings Institution and author of the panel’s namesake, How Change Happens: Politics and Policy in America; former Ambassador to Cambodia, Carole Rodley; Afghanistan’s first and only female mayor, Azra Jafari; State Department Deputy Assistant Secretary for Partnerships and Learning, Jerry White; Kathleen Kuehnast of the U.S. Institute of Peace; Tamara Wittes of the Brookings Institution; South Sudan’s Deputy Minister of Housing and Physical Planning, Mary Nyalung Ret; and Adviser to the President of Serbia, Snezara Kresoja.

The panelists’ remarks focused on the theme of women “outside the power structure acting as agents of change” in their communities. Ambassador Rodley shared her experience working in Cambodia, touching on the importance in post-conflict countries of dropping what so often becomes a “backward-looking narrative” in favor of her strategy of “changing attitudes, changing behavior, and changing the rules” in order to move forward in peacebuilding and development. Rather than forcing foreign perspectives and notions of development, Rodley asked “who is better to know what needs to be done” in a post-conflict society “than the people who live there?” She expressed the importance of “training...survivors to tell their own stories” as a mechanism of empowerment for domestic ownership of a nation’s history. She spoke of the issue of sex slavery in Cambodia and how important it is that the women involved saw themselves as survivors rather than victims, allowing them to help other women out of the trade by sharing their experiences to empower and educate in the fight against sex slavery. She encouraged the delegates from the Institute in the audience to “have a vision, make it a big vision...[and to] find a way to tell the story.”

Azra Jafari spoke of her experience as Afghanistan’s first female mayor, several times eliciting swelling applause for her bravery and strength in the position in such a volatile environment. She provided a picture of the situation for many women in Afghanistan, detailing the tribulations of her journeys to Kabul for mayoral duties. Because “security is the main problem in Afghanistan for women in rural areas” and Jafari must travel from the central Daykundi province over 270 miles to Kabul, she must switch vehicles several times and cover her face completely so as not to be recognized by the Taliban. Given these challenges, it was quite hard to believe when Jafari then explained that the Afghan government is in talks to form a peace agreement with the Taliban. This proposal, Jafari explained, is as alarming to many women in Afghanistan as it was to the audience.

In such post-conflict societies it is imperative that we “don’t wait for the revolution to be over to claim women’s rights.” For Afghanistan, this means not succumbing to what Tamara Wittes described as a tendency of leaders in post-conflict societies to set women’s issues aside as a luxury. Engaging in peace talks with an organization that would assassinate Jafari if they could is not the way to do this. Wittes explained that there are consequences of “that silence” that can shroud women’s issues in post-conflict negotiations—that “gender issues are not only relevant, [but] they’re essential” to an inclusive and humane society. She encouraged the delegates to “organize [their] collective voice and constantly bring it forward”, to provide social accountability to documented human rights norms to which their countries may be signatory but not necessarily practitioners of. This means bringing women into the official negotiation process so that they are present at the peace-making table. Wittes encouraged the delegates to incentivize their inclusion in these talks by representing themselves as a constituency that their governments need, to “demonstrate that there is a critical mass in society that cares” about the fate of women.

Taking these words of advice, the 51 delegates later joined guests from all over the city at the Sri Lankan Embassy for an elegant evening of storytelling, networking, dance, and exquisite cuisine. In celebration of their completion of the two-week institute, the delegates enjoyed the opportunity to extend their experiences to those outside of the Wilson Center and Bryn Mawr college, discussing the circumstances in their countries with actors in the non-profit and private sectors around Washington, DC. While the Ambassador himself was unable to attend, the party enjoyed his country’s hospitality—mingling in an enclosed terrace decorated with figures of the Buddha, enjoying a traditional Sri Lankan dance performance, and feasting on an extensive buffet including cashew white curry, brinjal moju, papadam, chicken curry, yellow rice, soya meat curry, fruit salad, and cake.

Most of the delegates I spoke with were heading back to their home countries after they returned to Bryn Mawr College that night. Although their experiences in the program and around DC over the two weeks contrast highly with the work they will return home to do, they are now equipped with the strength and support of each others’ stories, and the vision that activism and social justice are more than buzzwords, but actually the key pieces of an emergent global approach to realizing change.

This article was originally published in the Diplomatic Courier's September/October 2013 print edition.

SRI LANKA: Battles for Women Ahead

Original Source-


More policies and programmes must address the needs of female-headed households in Sri Lanka's former conflict zone, experts say.

"Most programmes don't take into account the unique role of women here," Saroja Sivachandran, director of the Center for Women and Development (CWD), an advocacy body based in northern Jaffna, told IRIN.

"They may be providing for the families, but [women] still have to cook, look after children and do all household chores."

Since returning to their villages in the conflict-affected north at the end of the country's 26-year-long civil war in 2009, women have found their traditional role of household chores and child-rearing expanded with the burden of making a living, rebuilding damaged houses and a host of other tasks. "Unfortunately, very few [organizations] seem to have recognized this," Sivachandran said.

Though no official figures are available, the CWD estimates the war left 40,000 widowed, female-headed households in the north, not including women whose husbands went missing during the conflict or who are in government detention for ties to the defeated Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), who had been fighting for an independent Tamil homeland.

In August, the World Bank re-launched a cash-for-work programme in the Northern Province, originally modified in 2010 to accommodate women's familial obligations. Sixty-five percent of participants were women and the programme allowed them to choose how long they worked, and provided day-care by paying elders to look after the children, said Susrutha Goonasekera, a social protection economist for the World Bank.

But, more than two years since the end of the conflict, adapting to the changing role of women in the northern Vanni is still lagging, locals say.

Aside from balancing work with other responsibilities, a high demand for labour for jobs such as building roads has made appropriate work scarce for this population of both bread-bakers and winners.

"Women can't compete with men for those jobs," Sivachandran said, adding that except in cash-for-work programmes, where pay was equal, women also tended to get paid less than men for the same work.

Photo: Amantha Perera/IRIN

Selvakumar Arundha tends to her chickens

The lack of new jobs, partly blamed on the slow inflow of private investment, is also a big factor behind many of these women feeling helpless, according to government officials.

Working from home

In some cases women have formed small groups to start cottage industries, said Nagmani Rathnaraja, deputy director of the Re-awakening Project for Mullaithivu District, under the Ministry of Economics, such as poultry and vegetable cultivation.

In Allankulam, a village in the Vanni about 320km from the capital Colombo, Selvakumar Arundha has started a small poultry farm with six other women using funds saved from a cash-for-work programme. The group invested US$450 and now each member makes about $12 per week without going far from home.

"We could do much better if we had assistance and outside buyers," Arundha said, standing in front of the chicken coop.

Sivachandran said this type of planning was lacking. "We need someone to assist in poultry farming and finding buyers, then there will be large income generation. Now the sales are limited to what the village wants and people are already poor here," she said.

Arundha, who looks after two teenage children, said a job that did not require her to travel was essential. "Who will cook then?" she asked.

Broken Promises: The Plight of women In Sri Lanka and its Economic Costs

Original Source- http://www.ips.lk/talkingeconomics/2013/03/broken-promises-the-plight-of-women-in-sri-lanka-and-its-economic-costs/


Researcher- Avantika Lal

On 28^th of February 1909, the first ever National Women’s Day was celebrated in the United States to honour female garment workers who protested against their poor working conditions in New York a year before. The United Nations celebrated the first International Women’s Day on 8th of March in 1975. Since then, the International Women’s Day has been celebrated each year on the 8th of March, all across the world. On this day, women are recognized and appreciated for their past struggles and achievements in the economic, political and social spheres. Most importantly, International Women’s Day is an opportunity to highlight issues and problems faced by women all over the globe. “It is an occasion for looking back on past struggles and accomplishments, and more importantly, for looking ahead to the untapped potential and opportunities that await future generations of women”.[1] The theme for the 2013 International Women’s Day is: “A Promise is a Promise: Time for Action to End Violence against Women”.

What is Violence against Women?

Article 1 of the United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women (DEVW), declared by the UN General Assembly in its resolution 48/104 of 20 December 1993, defines the term Violence Against Women (VAW) as: “any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life”. VAW is usually categorized as being physical, emotional, verbal, sexual, economic, and digital (Information and Communication Technology).[2]

Sri Lanka has ratified all key international covenants on human rights. The country has ratified four major international covenants, which have relevance to rape and other forms of gender based violence [International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights-1966, Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW)-1979, Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) -1989 and the Convention on Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment -1984]. Further, Sri Lanka has signed the Vienna Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women in 1993, the Prevention of Domestic Violence Act No. 34 of 2005 (PDV) was passed, and the Forum against Gender Based Violence was set up in 2005. A separate Ministry was set up to work on women’s issues in 1983 (The Ministry of Women’s Affairs – currently this Ministry is known as the Ministry of Child Development and Women’s Affairs). Several initiations have been taken to combat VAW by the governments and civil society organizations.

Despite the promise of more action, the promise of aligning ourselves with international statutes and conventions, the reality of the situation remains dire. According to the Gender Based Violence Forum in Sri Lanka, rape, domestic violence, sexual harassment, sexual violence, forced prostitution and trafficking are the most prevalent types of VAW in Sri Lanka.  The Forum further states that these crimes are not specific to a particular region or locality, but they are reported across class, race, religion, and ethnicity.[3] Prevalence of domestic violence in Sri Lanka, ranges from 27% (Perera, 1990), 32% (Samarasinghe, 1991) and 40% (Jayatilleke et al., 2010) to as high as 60% (Deraniyagala, 1992).[4]^, [5] In the case of VAW, obtaining reliable data is difficult mainly because victims are reluctant to reveal such incidents due to social stigma. However, Sri Lanka’s Demographic and Health Survey (2006/2007) conducted by the Department of Census and Statistics has revealed that regardless of background, women are highly susceptible to violence (see Figure 1).

This is partly because a majority of the women, regardless their level of education or income has the perception that a husband may be justified in hitting or beating his wife. Fundamentally, VAW is a violation of human rights. It effects negatively on a woman in many ways. Violence against a woman damages her health and well-being, thus hindering her empowerment. Further, it also has an inter-generational affect. Violence against women damages not only the health and well-being of women, but also health and well-being of their children.

*Note:   Women were asked if a husband was justified under at least one of five  scenarios: 1) if she goes out without telling him, 2) if she neglects the children, 3) if she argues with him, 4) if she refuses to have sex with him, or 5) if she burns the food. Source: Department of Census and Statistics of Sri Lanka, Demographic and Health Survey  2006/07

Economic Costs of VAW

The Economic costs related to VAW can be broadly classified as ‘Direct Tangible Costs’ (e.g. health care costs), ‘Indirect Tangible Costs’ (e.g. lower earnings due to lower productivity), ‘Direct Intangible Costs’ (e.g. pain and suffering, and the emotional impairment due to violence) and ‘Indirect Intangible Costs’ (e.g. negative psychological effects on children who witness violence which cannot be estimated numerically). [6]  Therefore, VAW has a significant impact on an economy. For instance, in the United States of America, the annual cost estimation of intimate partner violence amount to US$ 5.8 billion. [7]The economic burden of VAW and their children to the Australian economy was estimated to be US$ 13.6 billion in 2012.[8] As most cases related to VAW are hidden and untold, the real economic impact is likely to be much larger.  The economic costs of VAW occur in different forms (see Table 2).

Table 2: Economic Cost of Violence against Women (Cost Categories)

Cost category	Types of costs included
Pain, suffering and premature mortality	Costs of pain and suffering attributable to violence. Costs of premature mortality measured by attributing a statistical value to years of life lost.
Health costs	Includes private and public health costs associated with treating the effects of violence on the victim/survivor, perpetrator, and children.
Production-related costs	Includes costs associated with: ·     lost production (wages plus profit) from: ·     absenteeism; ·     search and hiring costs; ·     lost productivity of victim/survivor, perpetrator, management, co-worker, friends and family; ·     lost unpaid work; ·     retraining costs; ·     permanent loss of labour capacity.
Consumption-related costs	Includes costs associated with: ·     property replacement; ·     settlement of bad debts.
Second generation costs	Includes private and public health costs associated with: ·     childcare; ·     changing schools; ·     counseling; ·     child protection services; ·     remedial/special education; ·     increased future use of government services; ·     increased juvenile and adult crime.
Administrative and other costs	Includes private and public health costs associated with: ·     legal/forensic services; ·     temporary accommodation; ·     paid care; ·     counseling; ·     perpetrator programs; ·     interpreter services; ·     funerals.
Transfer costs	Includes ‘deadweight loss’ to the economy associated with: ·     government payments and services; ·     victim/survivor compensation; ·     lost taxes.
Source: Department of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs, Australia (2013)

Almost from the very beginning, women have played an important role in the economic development of Sri Lanka. Women form the backbone of the Sri Lankan economy (associated with tea, garments, and remittances). Especially in such a backdrop, it is rather alarming to observe that 83 % of females in the estate sector are victims of gender based violence; 57 % of female garment workers experience sexual harassment at the work place, and 11% of returnee migrant women are sexually abused.[9] Further, 62 % of female employees in the industrial sector have experienced unwanted and unwelcome sexual advances at the workplace at some point of their lives.[10]  Exposure to VAW at the work place hinders the productivity of the worker, while also resulting in the discontinuation of the job and eventual withdrawal from the labour force. This in turn means lower income levels on a household level and lower female labour force participation on a national level. There is no doubt that economic development will be hindered for as long as VAW persists in society.

Incidence reports appearing in newspapers, and complaints made at police stations are just the tip of the iceberg; the magnitude of the problem is much greater and most of the time hidden and unspoken of. While it is true that there have been continuous efforts made by various parties to eliminate VAW from the country, available data, literature, and anecdotal evidence prove that prevalence of VAW is still high in Sri Lanka. In this context, it is important to mobilize the community through better awareness and effecting attitudinal and behavioural changes. It is also important to fully grasp the economic implications of VAW, and to understand that the nation as a whole has to cover the cost. [11]  

The sooner we begin to implement effective policies and programmes, along with a national effort to instill an attitudinal change to end VAW, the sooner we can begin to reduce the economic costs of VAW.

Sri Lanka made a promise to its women when it became a signatory to the international conventions protecting the rights of women. However this has been left on the backburner for too long and the plight of the country’s women is beginning to exert a very real economic impact on the country as a whole. Policy makers and implementers might find that it is always better to keep a promise, rather than bear the costs of a fall out.

---

[1] United Nations (2013) ‘International Women’s Day’ [http://www.un.org/en/events/womensday/history.shtml ] Last accessed on 26^th February 2013

[2] Act Now (2013) ‘What is VAW?’ [http://www.actnowsrilanka.org/en/vaw/whatisva] Last accessed on 26^th February 2013

[3] Daily News (2008) ‘International Day for Elimination of Violence Against Women Today’ [http://www.dailynews.lk/2008/11/25/news23.asp] Last  accessed on 26^th February 2013

[4] World Health Organization (2013) ‘Gender Based Violence (GBV) , Basic Information Sheet Sri Lanka [http://www.whosrilanka.org/linkfiles/who_sri_lanka_home_page_gbv_country_factsheet.pdf] Last  accessed on 26^th February 2013

[5] Jayatilleke A.C., Poudel K. C., Yasuoka J., Jayatilleke A. U., and Jimba, M. (2010), Intimate partner violence in Sri Lanka, BioScience Trends. 2010; 4(3):90-95.  International Research and Cooperation Association for Bio & Socio-Sciences Advancement (IRCA-BSSA), Tokyo, Japan

[6] Day T., McKenna K. and Bowlus A. (2005)The Economic Costs of Violence Against Women: An Evaluation of the Literature, United Nations [http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/vaw/expert%20brief%20costs.pdf]

[7] World Health Organization (2013) ‘Violence and Injury Prevention 16 Days of Activism Against Gender Violence’ [http://www.who.int/violence_injury_prevention/violence/global_campaign/16_days/en/index6.html ] Last accessed on 26^th February 2013

[8] Australian Government, Department of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs (2013) ‘Economic Cost of Violence Against Women and their Children’ [http://www.fahcsia.gov.au/our-responsibilities/women/publications-articles/reducing-violence/national-plan-to-reduce-violence-against-women-and-their-children/economic-cost-of-violence-against-women-and-their-children?HTML#1 ]Last accessed on 26^th February 2013

[9] Perera, J., Gunawardane N. and Jayasuriya V. (eds.) (2011) Review of Research Evidence on Gender Based Violence (GBV) in Sri Lanka , Second Edition . Sri Lanka Medical Association Colombo [http://whosrilanka.healthrepository.org/bitstream/123456789/434/1/GBV.pdf] Last  accessed on 26^thFebruary 2013

[10] Ibid

[11] Day T. and et al (2005)

The Plight of Tamil Women in Sri Lanka?

Original Source- http://www.globalpeacesupport.com/2013/03/the-plight-of-tamil-women-in-sri-lanka/

Researcher- Avantika Lal

International Women’s Day (IWD), on 8th March, celebrates the contribution of women to social, political, cultural and domestic life in all countries around the world. It also serves as an important reminder that in many places the fundamental rights of women are still at risk.

This year’s United Nations IWD theme is ‘A promise is a promise: Time for action to end violence against women’. It is time for such a promise to be fulfilled all over the globe, including Sri Lanka. Global Tamil Women Forum (GTWF) highlights that Tamil women on the island continue to live in fear after the end of the war, remaining highly vulnerable to sexual violence on a daily basis, and appeals that this should not become their permanent way of life.

Heavy Militarisation

Since May 2009, following the brutal end of the armed conflict, the predominantly Tamil areas in the North and East have been militarised by State. The militarisation of the region may suggest an increased level of security for the inhabitants, however the reverse has been true and with the presence of the almost exclusively male, Sinhalese security forces, the current environment has posed a particular threat to the Tamil-speaking women and girls in these war-affected areas.

In September 2012, India’s ‘Hindu’ newspaper reported an “overwhelming presence” of the military, with the Sri Lankan army “deploying 16 out of its 19 divisions in the Tamil-dominated regions.”^[1] Through its vast network of checkpoints and military stations in the Northern and Eastern regions of the country, between and within villages and towns, the security services are able to restrict the movement of residents and monitor their activities. Women generally have to pass by these points alone and therefore run the risk of exposing themselves to harassment, threats and assault by the military.^[2]

Tamil women are, therefore, forced to negotiate their lives with military personnel.   According to International Crisis Group, “The fact that women must rely on the military for everyday needs not only puts them at greater risk of gender-based violence, but also prevents them from building their own capacity within communities.”^[3]

Whilst the Government of Sri Lanka has said that ‘any correlation between the military presence and sexual violence is unfounded’^[4], credible reports from governments, international human rights organisations and representatives of the Tamil people in Sri Lanka suggest otherwise.

Destitute and Desperate

Given the extensive loss of life in the final months of the armed conflict alone, which resulted in the deaths of tens of thousands of civilians, with many more unaccounted for, there are up to 90,000 war widows^[5]  heading up households in the North and East regions.

Although the internal displacement (IDP) camps are closed, many people have been unable to return to their former lands, houses and livelihoods in the North and East. The establishment of military cantonments, as well as ‘High Security Zones’ (HSZ), have displaced a large number of civilians. Relief aid to these people is unreliable, and the displaced women often arrive back with no assets or limited skills. The atmosphere of occupation by the army has made it all but impossible for the Tamil community to provide services to those most in need.

The high number of female headed households and the restricted livelihood opportunities open to women – due in large part to the military’s involvement in economic activities – means that “prostitution and the emergence of brothels [are] on the increase in the Vanni […with] the primary clientele compris[ing] both local men and the military.”^[6]

Tamil women have also been coerced into joining the armed forces. Young women from female-headed families or families with five or more members have been targeted, falsely informed that they would be engaging in clerical work and then taken to military camps for training, not being allowed to leave. At least 20 recent, forced recruits, many of whom were unconscious were admitted to Kilinochchi district hospital in December 2012 and no-one was allowed to meet them whilst they were there, including family, friends and representatives from the TNA. As the Women’s Action Network (WAN), a collective of 11 women’s groups from the North and the East, stated at the time “this situation raises grave concerns regarding the role of the state and the military in the lives of women, […] and the continued security of these women while in service.”^[7]

With international NGOs unable to freely monitor the situation and treatment of women in the North and East, due to restrictions imposed by the Government and security forces, the true scale of abuse, destitution and desperation suffered by women in the region is very difficult to assess.

Widespread Impunity and Fear of Reprisals

The Tamil National Alliance (TNA) has reported on the “increasing number of sexual assaults carried out against women and girls in the Jaffna, Mullaitivu and Kilinochchi districts, often by government officials and the military. The brutality with which these assaults are carried out is especially disturbing.”^[8]

The UK’s High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, HE Mr John Rankin, has “discussed rising crime rates for violence against women with the police in these regions and more generally.”^[9]Added to this, according to the European Centre for Constitutional and Human Rights, “the fact that the military are increasingly taking over police duties, meaning that women and girls would have to address complaints directly to the perpetrators […] [they, therefore] avoid speaking out due to fear of stigmatization, threats and possible further attacks”.^[10]

Human Rights Watch (HRW), in their most recent report, has highlighted serious concerns with ‘The Presidential Task Force for Resettlement, Development and Security in the Northern Province’ (PTF). The PTF, established in 2009, is a major barrier to redress, as it effectively prohibits local and international organizations from providing services for sexual violence survivors.^[11] HRW also attributes the reluctance to report sexual abuse to institutional barriers imposed by the Sri Lankan government to block effective reporting and investigation of rape cases. “No member of the security forces has been prosecuted, let alone convicted, for rape in custody in the final years of the conflict or since the war’s end.”^[12]

Interviewees told HRW that military and police personnel seldom made any effort to disguise being members of state security forces. These included the military, military intelligence and the police, including specialized units such as the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) and Terrorism Investigation Department (TID). Victims frequently reported that members of several state agencies would together conduct abusive interrogations. They also identified the specific camps and detention sites where the abuse occurred. HRW deduces from these contributing factors that the use of sexual violence was not just a local occurrence or the action of rogue security force personnel, but a practice that was known or that should have been known by senior officials.

Crimes Unpunished

In the months following the end of the armed conflict, over 300,000 people were herded into IDP camps. Numerous reports have emerged of the intimidation, harassment and sexual abuse committed against women whilst there^[13]. ‘The Australian’ newspaper (“Tamil refugees forced into sex rackets” ^[14])  was just one of the media organisations, who reported on the creation of prostitution rings “run by officials” within IDP camps.

The ‘Sri Lanka’s Killing Fields’ documentary series has provided compelling evidence of war crimes and crimes against humanity committed during the conflict, including footage of dead female Tamil combatants and others who appear to have been sexually abused and then murdered by the State security forces.^[15]

Amnesty International believes that the prolonged failure of the international community to demand accountability for alleged crimes under international law in Sri Lanka has only encouraged official disregard for international law and UN mechanisms aimed at protecting individuals from harm and providing accountability. In turn, the refusal of Sri Lankan authorities to acknowledge and investigate allegations of such violations and bring perpetrators to justice fuels a growing lawlessness in the country, including by members of the state security forces and their paramilitary affiliates.^[16]

Righting Wrongs

ICG has said previously, “the international response to women’s insecurity [in Sri Lanka] has been unnecessarily muted”.^[17] The evidence of abuses listed above serves to highlight why it is incumbent upon the international community and the United Nations in particular to speak out about what is happening in Sri Lanka. As the IWD theme states, it is time for action to end violence against women, and therefore, it is most certainly time that Sri Lanka is held to account for its actions and made to live up its international obligations to end state sanctioned gender based violence.

Global Tamil Women Forum calls on the Government of Sri Lanka to:

Promote and protect women’s rights; take concrete actions to end gender based violence; cease and desist the coercion of Tamil women into the military; and support the provisions of Security Council Resolution 1325, which “reaffirms the important role of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts, peace negotiations, peace-building, peacekeeping, humanitarian response and in post-conflict reconstruction and stresses the importance of their equal participation and full involvement in all efforts for the maintenance and promotion of peace and security.”^[18]

Demilitarise the Tamil majority areas; restore complete civil administration to all militarised government departments and also national institutions, including the police; and ensure that the military desist from involvement in any economic activities which undermine the livelihood opportunities for inhabitants, particularly women, in Tamil areas.

Support the UN Women’s Initiative, which is calling on Governments everywhere to commit to end violence against women and girls.http://saynotoviolence.org/commit

Facilitate adequate witness protection so that the perpetrators of such crimes can be held accountable for their actions.

Release immediately all those who remain in arbitrary detention.

Grant full access to International Committee of the Red Cross and other international aid agencies to facilitate the rehabilitation process for these women to return to a life of normalcy.

Global Tamil Women Forum calls on the international community, including the United Nations to:

·         Remain seized of the situation in Sri Lanka; call for the demilitarisation of Tamil majority areas; ask the UN country team in Sri Lanka to monitor the ground realities for women the North and East; be prepared to speak out against all cases of gender-based violence and gender inequalities in Sri Lanka.

·         Place conditions on aid and investment into Sri Lanka, which call explicitly for the promotion and protection of women’s rights.

·         Support an international, independent war crimes investigation to be established as recommended by UN Secretariat appointed Panel of Experts on Accountability in Sri Lanka.^[19]

GTWF is a global network working towards raising awareness of the plight of Tamil women in Sri Lanka and seeks means of empowering them. GTWF is part of the Global Tamil Forum, for further details regarding our objectives and activities please visit http://globaltamilforum.org/gtf/content/gtwf

^[1] The Hindu, ‘Sri Lankan Army still has vast presence in North & East’, September 2012, http://www.thehindu.com/news/article3915391.ece?homepage=true [accessed 5^th March 2013]

² European Centre for Constitutional and Human Rights (ECCHR), ‘Oral Statement to the Subcommittee on Human Rights – Brussels’, November 2012, page 2, http://tinyurl.com/clw8yef[accessed 5^th March 2013]

³ International Crisis Group, ‘Sri Lanka: Women’s Insecurity in the North and East’, Asia Report 217, December 2011,http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/asia/south-asia/sri-lanka/217-sri-lanka-womens-insecurity-in-the-north-and-east.aspx, page i, [accessed 5^thMarch 2013]

⁴ UN Human Rights Council, ‘Report of the Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review* – Sri Lanka’, December 2012,http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/HRBodies/HRCouncil/RegularSession/Session22/AHRC2216_English.PDF, page 5, [accessed 4^th March 2013]

⁵ United Kingdom Foreign & Commonwealth Office, ‘Human Rights and Democracy:  The 2011 Foreign & Commonwealth Office Report’, April 2012,http://fcohrdreport.readandcomment.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/02/Cm-8339.pdf, page 324, [accessed 6^th March 2013]

⁶ Sri Lanka Brief, ‘THE STATE OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN THE NORTH OF SRI LANKA 2012’, February 2013, http://srilankabrief.files.wordpress.com/2013/03/slb-briefing-notes-no-5-hr-situation-in-north-sri-lanka-2012.pdf, page 22, [accessed 6^th March 2013]

⁷ Women’s Action Network, ‘Tamil women coerced into joining the military’, December 2012, http://www.humanrights.asia/news/forwarded-news/AHRC-FST-060-2012 [accessed 5^th March 2013]

⁸ MA Sumanthiran MP (TNA), ‘Situation in North-Eastern Sri Lanka: A series of serious concerns’, October  2011, http://dbsjeyaraj.com/dbsj/archives/2759[accessed 5^th March 2013]

⁹ Op.cit., ‘Human Rights and Democracy:  The 2011 Foreign & Commonwealth Office Report’, page 324

¹⁰ Op.cit., ECCHR, ‘Oral Statement to the Subcommittee on Human Rights – Brussels’, page 2

¹¹ Human Rights Watch, ‘"We Will Teach You a Lesson" Sexual Violence against Tamils by Sri Lankan Security Forces’, February 2013,http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/srilanka0213webwcover_0.pdf, page 7,  [accessed 5^th March 2013]

¹² Human Rights Watch, ‘Press Release – Sri Lanka: Rape of Tamil Detainees’,http://www.hrw.org/news/2013/02/26/sri-lanka-rape-tamil-detainees[accessed 6^th March 2013]

¹³ Refugee Documentation Centre Ireland, ‘Sri Lanka – Researched and compiled by the Refugee Documentation Centre’,  January 2012,http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/pdfid/4f196c5d2.pdf[accessed 5^th March 2013]

¹⁴ The Australian, ‘Tamil refugees forced into sex rackets’, July 2009,http://www.theaustralian.com.au/news/tamil-refugees-forced-into-sex-rackets/story-e6frg6n6-1225744996639 [accessed 6^thMarch 2013]

¹⁵ Channel 4, ‘Sri Lanka’s Killing Fields’, June 2011,http://www.channel4.com/programmes/sri-lankas-killing-fields/episode-guide/series-1/episode-1 [accessed 6^th March 2013]

¹⁶ Amnesty International, ‘Sri Lanka: The Need to Address Persistent Impunity for Violations and Abuses of International Human Rights and Humanitarian Law’, February 2011http://www.amnesty.name/en/library/asset/ASA37/002/2011/en/ffc3acc1-81f6-4f56-bca7-ab65ddd20faf/asa370022011en.html [accessed 6^th March 2013]

¹⁷ Op.cit., ‘Sri Lanka: Women’s Insecurity in the North and East’, page i

¹⁸ United Nations Security Council, ‘Resolution 1325 (2000)’, October 2000,http://daccess-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N00/720/18/PDF/N0072018.pdf?OpenElement [accessed 6^th March 2013]

¹⁹ Report of the UN Secretary General’s Panel of Experts on Accountability in Sri Lanka, March

2011, http://www.un.org/News/dh/infocus/Sri_Lanka/POE_Report_Full.pdf,  page vii, [accessed 6^thMarch 2013]